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PROCEEDINGS AND ADDRESS 



DEMOCRATIC STATE CONVENTION 



OF THE 



STATE OF OHIO, 



IIGLiD IN THE CITY OF COtUMBUS ON THE EIGHTH AND NINTH 
DAYS OF JANUARY, 1844. 




COLUMBUS 



SAMUEL MEDARY, PRINTER. 
1844. 



t 



PROCEEDINGS. 



Monday, January 8, 1&14. 
Tlie Democracy of Ohio, responding to tiie 
call o( tlic Slate Centra! Committee, and in ac- 
cordance vvilii ancient usage, this day met in 
Convention at the City Hall, at 10 o'clock. 

The Convention wns called to order by the 
Hon. Nki.so.^ P'uANKi.iN of Pickawav, on wtiose 
motion Col. WlLLl.V.M .MKDILL of Fairfield, 
was chosen President yj/'o tempore. 
On motion of Jamks H. Ewing, Esq., 
Thomas J. Gallagheii of Hamilton, and Jon- 
ATHON D. Morris, of Clermont, were appointed 
Secretaries, ;)ro tempore. 

The Convention thus being organized, Allen 
G. Thurman, Esq. of Rosa county, presented the 
following resolutions, which, after attempts to 
amend, were adopted: 

Resolved, Th^t the respective delegations from 
the several Congressional Districts be requested to 
meet during the recess of this Convention at noon, 
and each delegation appoint one committeeman to 
serve as a member of a comniittcc of 21 for the 
nomination of permanent officers of the Conven- 
tion. Also, one other committeeman to serve as a 
member of a committee of 21 to prepare and report 
an address and resolutions. Also, one other com- 
mitteeman to serve as a member of a committee of 
21 to rei>ort delegates to the National Democratic 
Convention, and an electoral ticket. 

Ee»<died, That the Secretary do now call over 
the Congressional Districts, by their respective 
numbers, and as each district is called, some dele- 
gate thfrctrom do announce a time and place of 
meeting of the delegation from such District. 

In obedience to the last resolution, the delegates 
from each of the districts then named the place ol 
laeeiing during the recess. 

E. I\I. Stain-to.v, Esq., of Jefferson, then offered 
the tollowing resolution, which was agreed to: 

Resohe'l. That the following method of nomi- 
natnig a Governor by this Convention, be adopted, 
viz: 

1st: That the vote be taken by legislative dis- 
tricts, according to the apportionment m the House 
o( Repvcsuiitatives of the present session. 

2d: 'i liat, during the recess, tho legislative dis- 
tricts meet and take their vote, and appoint a dele- 
gate from their district to cast its vote in Conven- 
tion. 

On motion of D. A. Roeertson, Esq., of Fair- 
field, the following resolution was then passed: 

Resolved, That the delegates from each of the 
counties present, during the recess, be requested to 
prepare and to present, to the Secretaries of this 
Convention, by counties, the names of the delegates 
in attendance. 



The Convention then took a recess until 3 o'clock 
this afternoon. 

AFTERNOON SESSION — 3 o'CLOCIC, P. .M. 

The Convention re-assembled. 

[The names of the delegates were not handed in, 
in full; and those handed in to the Secretaries, very 
imperfect. Some counties are known to have had 
double the number of delegates present, to the 
names handed in. They are, therefore, entirely 
omitted.] 

On motion of John Brough, Esq. 

The Convention proceeded to vote for 
a candidate for Governor, by legislative 
districts, each district giving as many votes 
as it has members of the House of Repre- 
sentatives in the General Assembly. The 
result was: 

For David Tod, of Trumbull county, 64 
For Robert Lucas, of Pike county, 1 

It was thereupon announced, that all 
the districts represented, except Coshocton, 
had voted for David Tod, and that lie was 
duly nominated. Whereupon: 

On motion of W.m. Sawyek, of Mont- 
gornery coixnty. 

The nomination was unanimously con- 
firmed by acclamation. 

On motion of Thomas J. Buchanan, of 
Clermont county, 

The President appointed the following 
committee to wait on the nominee, inform 
him of his nomination, and request his at- 
tendance on the Convention; to-wit: 

ThotnasJ, Buchanan, David T. Disney, 
George Kesling, and Rufus P. Spalding. 

Immediately after which, the following commit- 
tee, appointed by the delegates from the several 
Congressional districts to select permanent officers 
(or the Convention, to wit: 
From the 1st District— David T. Disney, 
'■ 2d " F. A. Cunningham, 

" 3d " Fielding howrie, 

'■ 4th " William Hunt, 

" 5th " P. Hoagland, 

" f)th " William Craighill, 

" 7lh " James Loudon, 

8ih " T. J. Wiiiship, 

" 9th " S. Ewing, 

" 10th " William Trevitt, 

" llih " A.H.Patterson, 

12ih " 

13th " B. W. Conklin, 

" 14th " T. W. Peacock, 



From the lothDistrict — Jarnes McNutt, 
*' Kith " J. B. K<x;h. 

" 17th " A. L. Frazicr, 

]8th " J. W. Crawford, 

19ih " J. B. Bullies. 

20ih '.' R. P. Ranney, 

" 21st " E. M. Stone, 

Reported, through Mr. Disney, of Hamilton, as 

follows: 

President. 

WILLIAM MEDILL of Fairfield. 
Vice Presideiiti. 

Wm. R. KEKRot'Hamilton, 

John \V. Irwix of Eutler, 

Fielding Lowrie of Montgomery, 

Jonas Ward ofMianii, 

William Blackburn of Allen, 

Thomas GiLLESPiEfof Crawford, 

John H. Blair of Brown, 

Robert Lucas of Pike, 

Wm. Gill of Pickaway, 

Jonathan R. Taylor of Licking, 

Wm. Robbins of Marion, 

Arthur Taggart of Morgan, 

William Blocksom of Muskingum, 

J. C. Vincent ofHarrison, 

D. P. Leadeetter of Holmes, 

Robert Filson of Columbiana, 

Benjamin Jones of Wayne, 

J. D. Cummins of Summit, 

John Sherman of Aslitabuia, 

John McGregor of Medina. 
Secretaries, 
Thomas J. G« //oir /«<?»* of Han; ilton. 
Jonathan D. Jlon-is of Clermont. 
Dixon Fullerton of Ross. 
Lucius B. 0//« of Sandusky. 
John Stevens of Hardin. 
P. B. Ankeny of Guernsey. 
Franklin Stokes of Butler. 

On motion, the report was unanimously 
agreed to. 

The committee appointed to wait on 
David Tod, the nominee lor Governor, re- 
ported that they had attended to that duty, 
and that he was present. 

The President then introduced I\Ir. Tod 
to the Convention, who, thereupon, brief- 
ly and eloquently addressed the assem- 
tilage, in substance as follows: 

Mr. President and Genti.e.me.n: I feci deep- 
ly .sensible of ihe liigli honor you have conferred 
upon me. This distinguislied mark of y>iur con 
fidence, afl'ecls nie to the very iiciirt, and puts 
it out of rny power to express the deep 8e:i88 of 
gratitude I feci. 

The nomination for the first office within the 
gift of the freemen of my native State, ty the 
Demoeralic parly, is an honor I never e.\pccted, 
and 1 feci novcr deserved. True, 1 liavo al- 
ways shown my attachment to Democratic prin 



ciplesby a uniform and steady support of Dem- 
ocratic men and measures, under al! circum- 
stances, without rctrard to the constqueii- 
008 lo myself. But this was my dutv. 

Believing, as I did, at the age the C"n»titu- 
tion secured l<> me the rif;ht lo participate in the 
government, thai ihere was at the tune of the 
formation of our national irovernment, and still 
existed, a party who sought to take power from 
the many, and to give it to the fete, hi provide 
for, and protect the rich, at the expense of the 
;)oor, it was my duty to oppos-e lhr-m;and not- 
withstanding tliat party were, in the section of 
country in which 1 have spent my life, greatly 
in th3 ascsndant, the odds being ten to one, it 
would have been cowardly in me not to jhavc 
gone with them. To oppose this party it be- 
came nccessarv to attach mv-^elfto ilio Demo- 
cratic party, for they, and they alone, litive ever 
warred against this odious political creed. 1 find 
nothing then, in my past life, entitling' liio to this 
mark of your confidence, and can oi.'.y look 
upon it as an additional instance of the unliound- 
ed generosity of the Democratic parly, and as 
an additional evidence of the sincerity of their 
professions "that all men are born equal." 

]\Ir. President and Gentlemen of llie Conven- 
tion, I tliank }'ou, from the bottom of my heart 
I thank you — and if a steady, unwavering and 
unyielding support of Democratic principles, as 
taught bv those illustrious men, Jefferson, Jack- 
son and Van Buren, throughout the remainder 
of the days allotted me on earth, will be di em- 
ed a sufficient return on my pari, for this mark 
of your confidence, I here pledge you in the 
presence of high Heaven, that you shull h'lve it. 

Gentlemen, you represent a party whose princi- 
ples are sure to triumph They showed a front in 
Ohio, even in the dark days ot 1840, when every 
thing conspired to prostrate them, of nearly 130,000 
strong, "^rhey are contending simp y (or equal and 
exact privileges to all. They ask only that ihu laws 
should protect and restrain a!! alike. T!;ey do not 
desire any thing for themselves, which ility are un- 
willing to concede to others. Such, in hriet, are 
the principles ot the democratic parly, and such 
have ever been their principles, since they took to 
themselves that name— a name they have honored, 
are prouci of, and en r will be proud of. 

It is their love for these principles that induced 
them to insist that the manufacturer shall not be 
protected al the expense of the farmer— that the 
Danker should not be exempt from the imynicnt of 
his debts, while the farmer is compelled to pay his; 
hence, their insertion of what is familiarly call- 
ed the "jirivuto responsibility clause" in bank 
charters; and hence, their dittrmtnation to iryist 
upon that clause. It islheir love for the-^c princi- 
ples that arrays ihem in opposition to the estnb- 
ment of a National Bank, giving to a few the con- 
trol of the currency of the country, and the custo- 
dy of tln' funds of the nation, and induce them to 
urge the re-establishment of the Independent Trea- 
sury law, by the provisions of which the tunds 
of the people arc kept by agents of their uwn se- 
lecting. 

It is tlieir love for these princioles too, which 

induce ihem to lake ihe foreigner by the hand and 

welcome him to our happy land, and invite liim to 

I participate in our government. \\'e fmd no">iative 

' Americans" amongst ihe deiuocrals. 



Can such a party, wiih such principles at heart, 
fail to iiiuiiii)h? To doubt it, is doubling the capa- 
city of iiii'i li>r self-government. They cannot fail. 

But should \vc want further assurance of our 
success 111 lie coining contest, wc have only to look 
to the iircsfiit coiidiiion of our poluical Ojiponents. 
By tlie dcaiii of President Ilarriton liiey are taught 
the neces.-iiy of running candidates who dare "make 
disclosures i«)r the public eye."' 

Tliis is all that is necessary to insure their defeat. 
Had the democracy in 1810 been able to have 
driven tliiMu lo this, the result of that contest would 
have been ' ir different. What we then lailed to do, 
however, i'lesident Tyler, the man of their own 
choice, has done for us; and ihcy will now place 
before till' public, candidates whose prmciplea arc 
too well known to require further "disclosures for 
the pui)lic eye". Indeed, 1 believe they will have 
for their e.mdidatc for the presidency a man, said by 
them to be the very "embodiment of whig princi- 
ples." Be this as it may, it Mr. Clay is their can- 
didate, his principles must be theirs, for he has 
shown to tiie world that he is not to be "palsied by 
the will of his constituents." 

Wo have only, then, to look to the political prin- 
ciples ot .Mr. Clay to learn what measures the 
whig party will adopt, if honored with the confidence 
of the p-^ople. We will here find that they are in 
favor of a liberal construction of the constitution — 
or in other words, treat it entirely as a dead letter— a 
h'gh tariff" tor protection, accompanied as it always 
has been, with an extravagant expenditure of the 
public money— an assumption of the debts of the 
L^tates, to benefit the rich bond holder — a distribu- 
tion of tiiii public domain; and to complete our ruin, 
the re establishment of an United States Dank. 
And we would further find this whifr party backed 
up by the wealth of this nation, and a portion ol 
Europe's; and that they would stop not until these 
measures were adopted. 

Such, f' How citizens, is the issue between us and 
our opponents; and such being the issue, ivho can 
for a moiniMU doubt the result. 

Again, remember that the ballot-box is now pro- 
tected by law. It cannot now, as in 1810, be pol- 
luted by the touch of the "pipe-layer" — it is open 
now only to the citizen of the district in which it is 
kept. 

And with all this, should any faint-hearted demo- 
crat still doubt our success, let me point him with 
pride and pleasure to the assemblage here at this 
inclement season of the year, of thousands of 
freemen, who have left their homes to testify their 
attachment to the glorio"s cause in which we are 
engaged, and surely he can doubt our triumph no 
longer. 

The following persons were appointed from 
their respective districts to nominate to the Con- 
vention, Presidential electors, and delegates to 
the National Convention: 

1st District. Oliver Jones, 

2d " Robert Hazclline, 

3d " Adam Iloiick, 

4th " Andrew C. McLaughlin, 

5th " John VV. Waters, 

6tfi " Moses McAiiclly, 

7th " Samuel M. Wallriven, 

8th " John Hough, 

9lh " John Chaney, 

lOlh " Frederick J. Zimnicrinan, 

11th ■' Thomas W. Bartley, 

12th 

13th " James M. Gaylord, 



lltli District. Tlionns M. Drake, 
ir)th " lldward Archbold, 

Kith " French W. Thornhill, 

17th " I'ldwiu M. Stanton 

ISth " Peter J\uulVriian, 

filth •' John M. I::dward9, 

2ilth " Henry H. Dodge, 

tilst " Ebenczer Warner. 

This committeo reported to tlio Convention, 
the following persons as 

ELECTORS. 
Senatorial ) Joseph H. Larwill, of Wayne, 
Electors. ^ Dowty Utter, " Clermont. 

FOR CONGRESSIONAL ELECTORS: 
1st District, Clayton Webb, of Hamilton, 

i2nd " James M. Dorsey, of Darke, 

3d " R. D. Foresman, of Greene, 

4th " Judge John Taylor, of Champaign, 

.'ith " David Higgins, of Lucas, 

Gth " Gilbert Beach, of Wood, 

7th " John D. White, of Brown. 

8th " Thomas Megrady, of Ross, 

9th " Valentine Kclier, of Pickaway, 

lOlh " James Parker, of Licking. 

11th " John Bartrum, of Marion, 

12lh " George Corwinc, of Scioto, 

13th " Cautious G. Covey, of Morgan, 

14th *' Isaac M Lanning, of Guernsey, 

I5th " Walter Jamicson, of Harrison, 

l6th " Sebastian Brainard, of Tuscarawas, 

17tli " James Forbes, sr. of Carroll, 

iS'.h " Neal McCoy, of Wayne, 

19lh '» Milestone, of Summit, 

20th " Benjamin Adams, of Lake, 

2ist " Stephen N. Sargent, of Medina. 

Which report was agreed to, and the above na- 
med persons were appointed by the Convention 
for Presidential Electors. 

The committee also reported the following 
personsas delegates to the National Convention, 
to be held at Baltimore, on the 4th Monday of 
May next: 

JFor Senatorial Delegates. 

Samuel Medary of Franklin, 

James J. Faran of Hamilton. 

For Congressional Delegates. 

1st District, Nicholas Schoonmaker of Hamilton, 

2d " Absalom Dunn of Butler, 

3d " Edwin Smith of Montgomery, 

4th " Thomas J. S. Smith of Miami, 

5th " John Alexander of Allen, 

f.th " Kodolphus Dickinson of Sandusky, 

7th " Jonathan D. Morris of Clermont, 

8th " Thomas J. Winsliip of Koss, 

9lti " Samuel Ewing of Fairfield, 

loth " J.ihn K. Miller of Knox, 

llih " Thomas W. Bariky ol llichland, 

i2ih " William Wall of Athens, 

13ili '• James Culberison oi Perry, 

lUh " Gordius A. Hall of Muskingum, 

l.')ih " William C. Walton of Monroe, 

ItUfi " John Johnson of Coshocton, 

17ih " VViliiam 1). .Morgan of Columbiana, 

imh " Samuel l/ihm ot Stark, 

19th " Joseph Lyman of Portage, 

■JOth " George H. .Merwin of Cuyahoga, 

2l3t " Horace K. Kendall of Lorain. 



This report was also agreed to and confirmed, 
and the above named persons were appointed by 
the convention as delegates to the Democratic Wa- 
tionnl Convention. 

Thereupon, on motion of Edwin !\I. Stanton, the 
following resolution was unanimously adopted : 

Ilesolvtd, That the Senatorial and Congressional 
Delegates to the National Convention, be and they 
are hereby instructed to support Martin Van Buren 
of New York, as the candidate ot the democratic 
party for President of the United States, at the next 
election. 

The convention then adjourned to 9 o'clock, 

A. I\I., of Tuesday morning. 

Tuesday Mornixg, 9 o'clock. 
The Ck)n mention met pursuant to adjourn- 
ment. 

The Committee appointed by their sev- 
eral Congressional Districts, composed of 
the following named gentleman, to wit : 
\st District — Thomas B. Drinker, 
2(Z " Franklin Stoke.'', 

3d " William H. Baldwin, 

Alh " Thomas J. S. Smith, 

bth " George W. Andrews, 

6//i '• J. B. Larwili, 

"ilh " Thomas J. Buchanan, 

«//i " A.¥aR. Cassidy, 

9//t " William M'Laughlin, 

10//1 " B. B. Taylor, 

] \lh " Thomas Stringer, 

\2tk " 

\2tli " Aaron Johnson, 

14//i " George W. Manypenny, 

Volk " R. H. Miller, 

16//1 " B. M. Atherton, 

nth " Edwin iM. Stanton, 

18//1 " Samuel Lahm, 

l9//t " Daniel P. Rhodes, 

IQtk " Samuel Starkweather, 

21s< " John McGregor, 

reported through their Chairman, Thomas 

B. Drinker, ot Hamilton, an Address and 
Resolutions, which were adopted and or- 
dered to be published in the proceedings 
of the Convention. 

[The Address follows immediately after the pro- 
ceedings.] 

The resolutions reported with the Address, 
are as follows i 

Resolved, That all Governments arc designed 
lor the benefit of tiie governed, and derive their 
just powers from thtir consent; tiiat the peojile are 
the only legitimate source of authority in Ciovern- 
mont; that it is the inherent right of every people 
to alter or abolish, at will, an existing Govern- 
ment; aiifl that nttiversai ecjiinlity in political rights, 
privileges, imd immunities, is the only just basis 
of Cnjvernmeni we regard as the fundamental prin- 
ciples of all demoerncy. 

IxegoU'i'l, That the Government of tlie United 
States is the result of a compact between separate, 
independent and sovereign States, iind that uH its 



powers are derived from the terms of that com- 
pact as expressed in the Constitution, as the bond 
of Union under it; that the Constitution of the 
United States, as such a bond, must be strictly 
construed; and, consequently, that the Govern- 
ment of the United States has no other powers 
than such as are e.xpressly granted in iiu:t instru- 
ment, or indisijensibly "necessary and proper to 
carry into eflect'" the grantad powers. 

fiisolvtd, That the power to incorporate a bank 
is not one of the powers granted to the federal 
Government by the Constitution; that such an in- 
stitution is neither "necessary" nor "proper," with- 
in tlie meaning of the Constitution, to carry into 
effect any power granted; nor is it incidental to any 
of them; that it was the design of the fiamers of 
the Constitution to create a Government which 
should avoid the evils of a system of Government 
paper money, by denying it the right to create a 
paper currency; that we regard the chart ling of a 
bank by Congress not only as a direct assumption 
of power not authorized ijy the Constitu;ion, but 
as an infringement of the rights of tha States, as 
dangerous to the Just indepelidence and integrity 
of the Government, and fraught with immment 
peril to the rights and libertiesljf the people. 

Ecuolved, That while we are opposed to a high 
protective tariti", for the sake of protection, regard- 
ing it as a departure from the true spirit of the 
Constitution — as unequal in its operation — as i:n- 
posing heavy burdens of taxation upon the many 
for the benctit of a few — as tending to depress com- 
merce, and to diminish revenue, and to create the 
necessity for direct taxation by the federal Govern- 
ment; we are friendly to a discriminating revenue 
tariff, such as will ensure a revenue sulr.Lient for 
an economical and republican administration of 
the Government, and afford as much incidental 
protection to the American manufacturer, as we 
believe his interests require. 

liesolvid. That a distribution of the proceeds of 
the sales of public lands among the several Stales 
by the General Government, is a violation of the 
sacred trust reposed in the Governmeiu of the 
United States, by the States, who ceedid a portion 
of those lands "for the co;nmon benefit ot all the 
States," and not for the particular bentllt of each 
State separately; and a departure from common 
justice, as regards that large and valuable portion, 
purchased by treaty with foreign nations, with the 
common funds of the people ol the United States, 
drawn from the National Treasury for the jturpose. 

Ecsoh'ed. That we are inexorably oppi)sed to 
any assumption of the debts of thcSictes, by the 
Government of the Ignited Stales, regarding such 
assump'.ioii as a violation of the Constitution of 
the United States, as subversive of State sovreign- 
ty and independence, destructive of the ju?t boun- 
daries between the State and (Jeneral Govirnment, 
established and defined by theConsiitution, as tend- 
ing to render the States mere pensioners upon the 
Federal Treasury, as creating an immense Na- 
tional debt, and the apology, if not absolute ne- 
cessity for a National Bank, a high protective tariff, 
with the whole train of federal schemes and meas- 
ures. 

Jicsolrid, That we are opposed to any modifica- 
tion of tiie Constitution, in respect to the veto of 
the President— not regarding it in the light of an 
odious one man power; but as a necessary ingredi- 
ent in the legislative authority of the nation, as a 
power necessary to j)rotect the country and the 
rights of the pcoplt", against unwise, hasty, unjust 
and factious legislation by a small congressional 
mnjority, to secure the proper independence of the 



Executive against legislative encroachments— de- 
signed by tile Constitution to ensure his responsi- 
bility, and as the conservative power of the Consti- 
tution against infractions by a party congressional 
mnjority. 

Resolved, That we are utterly opposed to a na- 
tional or a state debt— that we regard ail public 



"A strict construction of the Conslition; a ri- 
gid restriction of the action of the Federal Gov- 
crnment, to the limits priscribcd by theConsli- 
tution;and the preservation to the Slates and 
the people, of their reserved rights; no national 
debt; no assumption of the debts of the States by 



debts among the greatest evils that can be inthctcd \ l'>« t-eneral Government; no National Uank. or 
upon any people, that thev arc especially inimical I l^r'l'ah Lxchequer; complete separation of the 
to the interest of a llepublic, and dangerous to the Government from Banks; no distribution of the 



rights and liberties of the people. 

Hesoloed, That the times demands thorough 
retrenchment and reform in all the departments 
of the government, both State and National. — 
Retrenchment and reform were promibcd us by 
tho wliigs bpfore election, only to abuse our con- 
fidence aflencurd. They have increased the 
public expenditures, they have augmented the 
national debt, and in the face of Ogle's Omnibus 
of lies, tiiey asked and obtained new appropria 
tions to furnish the White Mouse; they bestowed 
upon the opulent widow of General Harrison, a 
gratuity of twenty five thousand dollars, and 
refused to refund to the patriot Jackson, the 
line imposed upon him by a tory judge, forsavirjg 
from sack and pill;ige, oiie of the most magnli- 
ccnl cities in the Union, while they actually 
|)r()posed to pay to the heirs of the traitor Hull a 
compensation for iiis surrendering an American 
army to tho British, and actually passed a b'll 
for paying the .Massachusetts militia for not 
fighting in the last war. 

Resolved, That the boundaries of our terri- 
torv, as established b}' law and ascertained by 
treaty stipulations are sacred, and must not be 
infringed; that our right to the Oregon territory 
being thus ascertained, it is the duty of the 
American government to take formal and im 
mediate possession thereof, and to meet with 
stern denial, and if necessary, with indign;iiit 
rebuke, the insolent pretensions of England to 
that put of our soil: that country is ours, and 
our right to its possession must bo maintained, 
"pcacibly if we can, forcibly if we must." 

/?cso/i,f<i. That the violent dissolution of the 



proceeds of the sales of tho Public Lands; low 
duties; a discriminating revenue tariff; a preser- 
vation of the Constitutional Veto of the Presi- 
dent; universal suffrage; an economical adminis- 
tration of the General Government; rctrencli- 
ment in the cvpenditures, and reform of the abu- 
ses in every department; a stern vindication of 
the territorial rights of the United States; and 
in all our intercourse with foreign nations, an 
unfaltering adiicrence to the policy pursued by 
Jackson, "to ask nothing but what is right and 
submit to nothing that is wrong.' " 

Resolved, That under David Tod, the Stand- 
ard bearer of the Ohio Democracy, in the ap- 
proaching contest, we will march to the battle 
with full confidence that on the :2d Tuesday of 
October, victory will perch upon our banner. 

Resolved, That while we have a decided pre- 
ference for Mr. Van Buren, as the democratic 
candidate for the Presidency, because of his 
stern and tried integrity, and because of the 
manner in which he was sacrificed in 1840, still 
we have a high estimate of tho worth and tal- 
ents and patriotism of the other distinguished 
democrats who have been named in connection 
with that exalted station; and we hereby pledge 
ourselves to give a willing and enthusiastic sup- 
port to whomsoever shall receive the nomination 
of the Baltimore Convention. 

Resolved, That the public press is the watch- 
tower of freedom, — that its sentinels to be faith- 
ful and efficient, must be fearless in battling 
with error, wherever it may be found, or by 
whatever name ii may be endorsed, — that we 



General Assembly of this State in 1842; bv the I acknowledge with unaffected pleasure, the no- 
abrupt withdrawal of the whig members from ' hie stand of the democratic press of Ohio, in 
that body, was an outrage upon the institutions ! advancing free principles, and bespeak for them 
of the country, and an exhibition of that mnd a cordial and generous support on behalf of the 
and reckless spirit which animates the whig ! people. 

parly to march to power, even if it should be ,j^'J-^''l'^ff.\J^^^i,}]}, our Senators in Congress, the 
over the ruins of the government. 

Rosohed, That the Demooratic party of Ohio 
firmly insist upon the enforcement of the laws 
upon the subject of Banking now in force, and 
do sternly and decidedly vindicate and innintain 
theju.stand sound princii)le of the Individual 
Lialiiliiy of Bankers for the debts of their banks. 

Resolved, That in the following, we recog- 
nize the creed of the democracy of Ohio in ref- 
erence to State policy: "Retrenchment and re- 
form in every department, no increase of the 
Stale debt; tho credit of the Stnte to bo main- 
tained at .^-ny cost; a sound circulating medium; 
the individual liability of Bankers; and a just 
vindication of tho constitutiopal rights of the 
State." 

Resolved, That we recognize the following as 
the national democratic creed: 



Hon. Benjamin Tappan and William Alien, we 
recognize devoted and stedfast adherents to the 
doctrines and principles of the democratic party, 
and Ohio may proudly boast of them as wise, able, 
and profound Statesmen, and true and faithful rep- 
resentatives of ttie will of the people. 

Resolved, That our worthy Governor, Vv'ilson 
Shannon, lor his warm attachment to, and unceas- 
inc exertions to sustain the measures of the great 
democratic party, deserves the thanks of the people 
of Ohio— that in him we recognize an honest man, 
a true patriot, a faithful public servant, and a high- 
minded honorable politician. 

Resolved, That in Samuel Medary we recognize 
a champion of the people— bold, able, true-hearted 
and fearless, and worthy of the palmiest days of 
any llepublic. 

The (ollowins resolution was then offered by 
John Chaney of Fairfield, and seconded by Thomas 
J. Gallagher of Hamilton. 



8 



Reiolved, That our confidence in the talents and 
the democracy of Col. Riciurd M. Johnson is una- 
bated, and that in view of his t-minent services in 
the tented field— his successful struggle against the 
foul and adulterous union ot Church and State— his 
uncompromising hostility to all the measures of the 
feueral party, and his unyielding hostility to the en- 
croachments ol England in our territory of Oregon, 
we declare that if his iriends deem it proper to pre- 
sent his name as a candidate again for the second 
office in the people's gilt, we freely declare Cul. 
Richard M.Johnson, the first choice of the dem- 
ocracy of Ohio for Vice President, and that with 
the ticket of 1040, we will balance all nccounts with 
whi^gery in 1844. 

Tiie question being upon the adoption cf this re- 
solution, a motion was made to amend it by in- 
structing the delegates to support Col. Johnson in 
the -Naiiunal Convention for Vice President; which 
amendment was lost, and the original resolution 
was thereupon adopted. 

On motion of B. B. Taylor, it was 

Resolved, That a State Central Committee of five 
members be appointed by the Chair to serve until 
their succfssors be appointed; and that sucli com- 
raitiee have power to call such meetings and con- 
▼entionsof the democracy, as the interests of the 
party may require. 

On motion of D. P. LEADBErTER, it was 

Resolved, That the State Central Co'mmittee be 
authorized and empowered to fill all vacancies that 
may occur on the electoral ticket. 

On motion, it was 

Resolved. That the delegates appointed to the 
National Convention, wno may attend the same 
have power to fill all vacanci.s that may occur in 
their body; and the persons appointed to fill such 
vacancies, are hereby instructed to vote for .Martin 
Van Buren tor President. 

On motion of J. W. Wilson, 

Resolved, That this Convention respectfully re- 
commend to the democracy of the several counties 
and townships of this Jrtate, to organize "Hickory 
Clubs" in each, for the purpose of discussing and 
maintaining our principkss, as taught by Jetlerson, 
Jackson and Van Buren, and thai the members of 
this Convention consider ihem.-elves a committee 
of the whole to carry into effect this resolution. 

On motion. 

Resolved, That five thousand copies of the 
proceedings of the Convention be printed in 
the German language, in nainplilet form, and 
five thousand in English, and that the State Cen- 
tral Committee have the same in charge for distri- 
bution; and also, that those of the members of this 
Convention who feel willing, do contribute the re- 
quisite sum to defray the expense of printing the 
same. 

On motion of Mr. Ewing, of Hamilton, it was 

Resolved, That "Native American Societies,'" 
created for the purpose ol drawing political distinc- 
tions between citizens from choice, and citizens by 
birth, of this Republic, are contrnry to the spirit of 
the Constitution, and repugnant to the principles of 
the democratic party. 

On motion of R. Filson, it was 

Resolved. That the course pursued by Col. Sam- 
del Mkmarv, Editor uftheOhioStatesinnn, in sus- 
taining democratic princi|)les, and the iiuasures of 
the party, rneot the ajjprobalion of tliis Conven- 
tion, nmf that we tender him our warmest thanks 
for his untirinir txcrtions, with the assurance that 
he shall be sustainc-d; mavgre the efforts of the 
federal party to break him down, either by Legis- 



lative oppression, or the violation of law and sol- 
emn contract. 

On motion of A. G. TnrKMAJf, 

Resolved., That the enterprize undertaken by B. 
B. Taylor, of Lickin^, of^ publishing a Western 
Democratic Review, dfeservcs, and should receive, 
the patronage of every democrat who desires the 
able discussion and pronmlgation of correct demo- 
cratic principles, and the success of Western Litera- 
ture. 

On motion of Mr. Lahm of Stark, it was 

Resolved, That the thanks of this Convention 
be tendered the Hon. Wllllvm Medill for the able 
and satisfactory manner in which he has discharg- 
ed the duties of his station. 

On motion, 

Resolved, That the Central Committee be rc- 

?uested to raise funds to defray the expenses of 
Minting, &c.. and to compensate the proprietor of 
the City Hall for its use, and that the thanks of 
the Convention be also tendered to him. 
On motion of A. G. TntniMAJf, it was 
Resolved, That a committee of five be appointed 
by the President to superintend the Printing, and 
distribution of the proceedings of this Convention. 
WTiereupon, the Chair appointed the following 
gentlemen as said committee: 

T. B. Drinker. A. G. Thurman, Thomas J. Gal- 
lagher, E. M. Stanton and Franklin Stokes. 

A motion for adjournment being then made, the 
Convention were ably and eloquently addressed by 
the Chairman; and, thereupon, 

The Convention adjourned, sine die. 

WILLL\.M MEDILL, Freside7il. 
Wm. R. Kerr, 1 

John W. Irwin, 
Fielding Lowrie, 
Jonas Ward, 
WiLLiA.M Blackburn, 
Thomas Gillaspje, 
John H. Blair, 
Robert Lucas, 
Wm. Gill. 

Jo.nati'an R Taylor, 
Wm. Roebins, 
-Arthur Taggart, 
William Blocksom, 

J. C Vl.NCENT, 

D. P. Leadbetter, 
Robert Filson, 
Benjamin Jones, 
J. D. Cummins, 
John Suerman, 
John McGregor, 
Thomas J. Gnllas/ter,' 



' Vice FresiJents. 



Jonalh'in D. Morris, 
Dixon JFiillerlon, 
Lucius B. Otis, 
John Stevens, 
P. B. Anhiiy, 
Franklin Slohes, 



S Secretaries. 



democratic st .ate central com- 
.■\iittee. 

We have been handed the following from the Pre- 
sident ot the State Convention, as the State Central 
Committee: 

S.AMUEL MEDARY, 
WILLI. AM TREVITT, 
S.A.MCEL D. PRESTON, 
AS.AHEL CHITTENDEN, 
JACOB REINHARD. 



ADDRE SS 



As the representatives of the democracy 
of the State of Ohio, in Convention assem- 
bled, in view of the important objcct-5 
souf^ht to be accomplished by our action, 
and of the consequent responsibility incum- 
bent upon us, we feel it at once our privi- 
lege, and solemn duty, to declare to you the 
views of the democracy of Ohio, upon 
those great fundamental and constitutional 
principles, which they believe to be the 
basis and support of the American Union, 
and of American freedom. 

In the embodiment of these views, we 
will be necessarily led into a developement 
of the common principles of American de- 
mocracy, of which we shall endeavor to 
present you a fair and laithful exposition. 

That all government is designed for the 
benefit of the governed; that the people 
are the original and only legitimate source 
of all governmental power; that govern- 
ments have no rights, or powers, except 
such as are conferred upon them by the 
people, as sanctioned by them, as conform- 
able to their interests and will; that the ex- 
ercise, by government, of powers not so 
conferred, or saiictioned, is oppression, 
usurpation, and a violation of the natural 
rights of man, and that it is the inherent, 
and inalienable right of every people, to 
alter, modify, or abolish an existing govern- 
ment, whenever it fails to promote the gen- 
eral welfare, or to secure these rights, and 
recognize these principles, we regard as 
the first, and essential principles of all de- 
mocracy. 

These principles were, for the first time 
in the history of the world, authoralively 
announced as the principles of a nation, in 
the Declarationof American Independence, 
and constitute the invaluable inheritance 
of every American citizen, handed down 
to us by our Fathers, who maintained them 
with their fives, and sealed them with their 
blood. And they are the peculiar inheri- 
tance of the democracy, as tlie followers of 
the founder of tlieir party, the writer of the 
Declaration of Independence, their consis- 
tent advocate throughout a long life, the 
apostle of democracy, the immortal Jef- 
ferson. 



The Constitution of the United States was 
framed by a convention, and adopted by the 
several States, previously associated under 
articles of confedeiatiou, in order to perpet- 
uate and secure to all posterity those groat 
and original principles, and to establish a 
more efficient government. 

In order to the formation of correct opin- 
ions in regard to the construction of this 
constitution, it is important to bear in rnind, 
that the convention which agreed upon it, 
was a convention of States, composed of 
delegates from separate sovereign (though 
confederated) States; that every article and 
clause of it was voted upon in convention, 
by States, and finally, that when agreed up- 
on in Convention, it was then submitted to 
the several States, and was acted upon and 
adopted, at different periods by them, in 
their separate and sovereign capacities as 
States. 

The government which existed under 
the old confederation, was found to be in- 
efficient for the general national purposes 
for which it was designed. The States had 
conferred upon it, too little power; they had 
retained too much of theiroriginal and nat- 
ural sovereignty to themselves. To remedy 
this evil, they framed and adopted the pre- 
sent constitution, by which they established 
a new general government, upon which 
they conferred larger powers, by yielding 
to it a greater portion of their individual 
sovereignty. This historical fact, while it 
illustrates the necessity for a certain degree 
of vigor, in the General Government, in 
order to iis efficiency and stability, likewise 
clearly shows, that the Federal Government 
is but the agent or creature, and the States 
are the principals or creators. 

In that convention appeared distinct and 
tangible, the germs of the two great parties, 
into which, since the organization of the 
present government, the country has been 
divided. On one side, were those who, 
either utterly denied, or greatly doubted, 
man's capacity for Felf-government — who 
regarded the mass of the people, not as 
men endowed with reason, judgment, and 
discretion, but as beings incapable of un- 
derstanding their own interests, not as men 



10 



capable of appreciating their own rights, \ 
and the value ol'lawsinsecurinf: them, but 
as an unruly mob, swayed by passion, pre- 
judice, and liatred of men better, or in bet- 
ter circumstances tlian themselves, whore- 
quired the iron hand of power to preserve 
them from anarchy and self-destruction — 
who believed, that men were made for gov- 
ernment, and not that government was in- 
stituted for man — who thought that gov- 
ernment could only be safely conducted by 
the intellectual few, and should be suppor- 
ted by the wealthy, and the well-born, who 
by the grant of official and other exclusive 
privileges, should be attached to the gov- 
ernmeiit, and made to teel an official, fam- 
ily, or pecuniary interest, in the stability of 
the State and its institutions. 

At the head of this class, as their great 
and intellectual leader, stood Alexander 
Hamilton, a man of powerful mind, high 
moral courage, and indefatigablt. energy. — 
His darling and long cherished object, the 
establishment of a strong concentrated 
"National Government," possessing in it- 
self all the powers of a government de jure, 
overwhelming aud merging all the State 
governments, and all the rigiits of the peo- 
ple of the States, he pursued wiili a steady 
energy and unintermitted perseverance, 
that would have honored a better cause. 

With a view to the accomplishment of 
these purposes, he proposed, aud advocated 
with zeal and energy in the convention, a 
plan of a National Government, constitu- 
ting a President, Senate, and Judiciary, 
during good behavior, that is — for life. The 
President and Senate to be chosen by Elec- 
tors elected by the people in election dis- 
tricts, and the Governors of tlie several 
States, to be appointed by the National 
Government This was a plan ofasiinple 
elective monarchy. 

On the other side, were tliosewho main- 
tained, as they had contidence in man's 
capacity lor sell-government — who did not 
regard the mass of the peoj)le as a luob, 
sunk in ignorance, and swayed by passion, 
lit only tobc the tools of ambitious dema- 
gogues, the footstool of despotic power, or 
tiie i)lay things of a King — wiio regard- 
ed all men as endowed by their Cre- 
ator with equal aud inalienable riglits — 
whicli ihey were capable of appreciating, 
and which, they had wisdom and virtue to 
secure to themselves, and transmit to their 
posterity unimpaired; who regarded all gov- 
ernment as deriving its authority from the 
consent of the governed, and who believed 
that government was instituted for man, 
and not man created for government. — 



They, therefore, opposed the concentration 
of overwhelming powers in t!ie General 
Government; they opposed the merging of 
the State Governments in the National, 
except 60 far as was necessary for the es- 
tablishment of an efficient Government; 
they opposed the abandonment, by the 
States, of any powc-s, not indispensibly 
necessary to the stability and efficiency of 
the National Government, for the accom- 
plishment of great national purposes. — 
They sought to retain all powers in the 
several States, and the people thereot re- 
spectively, which it was not absolutely ne- 
cessary to relinquish to the General Gov- 
ernment. They opposed the concentra- 
tion of power in the hands of the few, 
seeking to leave it, as much as possible, 
where it rightfully belonged, with tlie many 
— the people of the States; they opposed 
any association of the well-born and weal- 
thy with the governtnent, by grants of ex- 
clusive privileges, for the purpose of at- 
taching them to the State by special inter- 
est — believing that government would be 
more safe, more stable and more just, when 
disconnected from any partial interests, 
and dependent solely upon the inteliiirence, 
virtue and interests of the mass of the peo- 
ple. They believed that, as the people 
were the only legitimate source of power 
in government, they had a right to a para- 
mount and ultimate control and decision 
in its conduct. 

This latter class prevailed in convention, 
as might naturally be expected, as well 
from the superior liberality of their senti- 
ments, and the inherent justice of their 
cause, as fiotn the fact that the convention 
was constituted of delegates, or represen- 
tatives of States jealous of their indepen- 
dence and sovereignty, and that every vote 
was taken by States, and not per capita. — 
The constitution, which was the reault of 
their joint labors, was a compromise of nu- 
merous, variant and antagonisiical interests 
and principles, and when submitted to the 
people of liio several States, and adopted 
by them, it became a solemn and binding 
compact among equally independent sover- 
eignties; and, boing such a compromise aud 
compact, it is evident that its terms nuist 
be strictly construed, and that any exercise 
of powers, by the government created by 
it, not clearly contVrred, nmst be a viola- 
tion of the compromise, and a breach of 
the compact. But some of the States were 
unwilling to leave this construction to in- 
ference, however correct and inevitable; 
and to prevent tlie possibility of miscon- 
struction, and an undue extension of pow- 



11 



er, they insisted upon numerous restric- 
tive amendments, bel'oro they would- 
consent to adopt it, and become parties 
to the compact. Among these amend- 
ments, made a part of the constiluiion, we 
introduce only two, as Puflicictit to show 
that the government estabhshed under it, 
was designed to be one restricted to its 
enumerated powers. Article 9 of the 
amendments provides, that, ''the enu- 
meration in the constitution of certain 
rights, shall not be construed to deny or 
disparage others retained by the people." — 
And ar'icio 10 provides, that "the powers 
not delegated to the United States by tlie 
constitution, nor prohibited by it to the 
States, are reserved to the States respec- 
tively, or to the people." 

Notwithstanding, however, the pointed 
character of these amendments, and the 
well known history of the constitution, no 
sooner was the National Government orga- 
nized under this constitution, than we find 
powers claimed for it no where found in 
that instrument. We perceive the endeav- 
or made, and with temporary success, to 
entwine around it the all pervading influ- 
ence of the money power, and to concen- 
trate in it the interests of the wealthy, 
through the agency and instrumentality of 
the Funding system and a National Eank. 
The oiiginator of these schemes and move- 
ments, was the same Alexander Hamilton 
who had striven so hard, in the conven- 
tion, for the establishment of a government 
of an elective monarchy ,^nA Senatorial coun- 
cils for life. Unfaltering in his perseve- 
rence to erect a government which should 
be dependent upon its own will only, for 
its powers, and not upon the will of the 
people, after he had failed in the conven- 
tion, he resumed his efforts in the newly or- 
ganized government. He sought, by fund- 
ing the War Debt, and concentrating the 
money power in a government Bank, to cre- 
ate a moneyed oligarchy, attached to, and 
intimately associated with the government, 
with whose assistance the arm of govern- 
ment might be so strengthened as to en- 
able it, by latitudinous constructions of the 
constitution, by the implicatiori or bold as- 
6um{)tion of powers, finally to become, in 
fact, what he most desired it to be, a gov- 
ernment of unlimited powers, and not de- 
pendent upon, or responsible to, the people 
ibr their exercise. In opposition to these 
eflTorts and designs of Hamilton and his 
friends, were those who construed the con- 
stitution strictly, and sought to confine the 
action of the government within the lim- 
its clearly defined in that instrument, and 



to restrain it from the exercise of any pow- 
er not exjjressly granted, or indisputably 
"necessary and proper I'or carrying into 
execution" the powers granted, and to 
make it what, in fact, it was de.«ignpd to 
be, a government of enumerated powers. 
At the head of this class stood tiio pure 
patriot, great statesman, and radical demo- 
crat, Thomas JefFer-son. During th" first 
eight years, after the government was in 
operation, under the constitution, these 
adverse elements were combined in the 
cabinet of the groat and good, iho illus- 
trious Washington, their efforts partly neu- 
tralized and peace preserved. But when 
he passed from the stage of political life, 
and the elder John Adams glided, almost 
unseen, beneath the shadow of depart- 
ing greatness, into his vacated chair, then 
the true nature of the contending elements 
became developed. Division at once took 
place — party lines were drawn from one 
end of the Union to the other, and men 
assumed the party names of federalist or 
democrat, according as they ranged them- 
selves as the followers of Hamilton and 
supporters of Adams, or as the disciples 
and adherents of Jefferson. 

Federalism was now in power, and for 
the first time, the opportunity was afforded 
that sect of a full development of their 
principles and policy. 

Hamilton had already engrafted upon 
the government his favorite Funding sys- 
tem and National Eank, which formed the 
basis of the whole scheme of federal poli- 
cy. And now, in full possession of power, 
with John Adams in the cliair of S;:ue.the 
federal party threw off all disguise, and, 
with more effrontery than discretion, ex- 
hibited their despotic propensities, and the 
monarchical tendencies of their principles, 
by the enactment of the tyrannical "Alien 
and Sedition laws," the odium of which 
was such as to throw all their other mea- 
sures, bad or bearable, into a temporary 
shade, and at the end of his first Presiden- 
tial term, to eject the federal chief from 
the chair of State, and to elevate, in his 
stead, the ciiampioJi of democracy, Thomas 
Jefferson, by an overwhelming popular 
vote against federalism. 

The election of Jefferson was the tri- 
umph of democracy over federalism — it 
was the stern fiat of a free people, in con- 
demnation of the federal creed of a con.sol- 
iuated and irresponsible government, re- 
gardless of the spirit and design of the 
constitution and in approbation of the 
democratic creed of a limited and respoiisi- 
bjj government, confined in the exercise of 



V2 



its functions, to the true spirit and letter of 
the constitution. 

This popular decision was connrmed by 
the triumphant re-election of Jefferson, 
and the democratic policy further estab- 
lisheil, as conformable to the genius of our 
government and institutions, by ilie elec- 
tion o; the two following deciocratic Presi- 
dents, iMadison and ^Monroe, for two terms 
each; making the adminir^trations of three 
successive democratic Presidents, to occu- 
py the period of twenty-four consecutive 
years. The name and principles of feder- 
alism, had, during this time, become so ut- 
terly oiJious to the people, that before John 
Quincy Adams presumed to present him- 
self before them for their suffrages, he felt 
compelled to pay that tribute lo democracy, 
which vice pays to virtue. lie attempted 
to assume the garb of democracy, that he 
might obtain credit for virtues which na- 
ture never designed him to possess, and 
which birth, education, and association, 
alike forbade him to 'exercise. He repudi- 
ated, the too odious name of federalist, and 
with his pany, assumed that of national 
republican, and under this disguise, and 
with democratic principles upon his 
tongue, tho' the black cockade was stamp- 
ed upon his heart, he came before the peo- 
ple, a candidate for that office, from which 
they had, with stern indignation, and with- 
ering scorn, ejected his father, a quarter of 
a century before. He failed betbre the 
people — but by the treachery of a miscall- 
ed democrat, Henry Clay, of Kentucky, be 
was elected in the House of Representa- 
tives. Not in the first instance the choice 
of the people, and havmg done nothing 
duriYig his administration, to relieve himselt 
of the odium attached to his name, and to 
federalism, and consequent upon the cor- 
rupt manner of his election; but having 
thrown off his assumed democracy, and 
developed his true federal character, having 
recommended lo the Repiesentatives of 
the people and the States, in Congress, not 
to sulfer their arms to be "palsied by the 
will of their constituents," and despotical- 
ly affirmed against the will of the people, 
and his previous professions, and an impi- 
ous perversion of the sacred book, that 
"those who fell with the first Adams, 
should rise with the second," he was, at 
the ex|)iratioa of his term, justly consign- 
ed, with almost silent contempt, lo an huii:- 
bler station, where, if he will do no good, 
he has at least but little power for evil. 

The election, and subsequent more glo- 
rious re-eleciion of tho liero and patriot, 
Andrew Jackson, were repetitions of the 



Jeffersonian triumph of democracy. The 
election of i\Iartin Van Buren was a ratifi- 
cation by the people of the grea: principles 
of democracy, developed and enforced un- 
der the strong and stormy aJministratioa 
of his glorious predecessor. And the de- 
feat of Mr. Van Buren and the deiriocratic 
party in lo40, by means the most nefarious, 
has tended still more closely to entwine 
round theheartsofthe people, their devotion 
to the free principles of democracy, their 
love for constitutional freedom, their hatred 
of federal oppression and deceit, and their 
veneration and attachment towards the 
man who failed them not in that darkest 
hour of perilous adversity. 

For thirty-six of the forty years, from 
1801, when the first real party contest oc- 
curred, to the year 1840, has tlie democrat- 
ic party had control of the government, ap- 
proved and sustained by a discerning peo- 
ple. In fact, the federal party never have 
succeeded before the people, upon their 
principles. Whenever their principles 
have been openly avowed, and their true 
position and policy clearly defined, they 
liave been signally rejected and repudiated 
by the people 

The elder John Adams succeeded to the 
Presidency beneath the mantle of a Wash- 
ington, before party lines were drawn, or 
the antagonisiical principle of federalism 
and democracy w^ere fully developed; but 
he was rejected, and federal principles con- 
demned, when he came before the people 
for their approbation of his administration. 
Twenty-four years afterwards, John Quin- 
cy Adams was defeated before the people, 
even when he claimed affinity to democra- 
cy, and abjured tederalism, and four years 
at'terwards was signally rebuked by the 
same people, for the deception he bad at- 
tempted to practice upon them, and tederal 
principles were again condemned. The 
whigs of 11340, taking warning from the 
past, not only denied their federal creed, 
but abandoning their federal leaders, they 
attached themselves to men, who, upon all 
cardinal principles and measures, had al- 
ways been opposed lo them, and to feder- 
alism, under every name. When called 
upon to declare their principles, and the 
policy they designed to pursue in the ad- 
ministration of the government, if the peo- 
ple should place them in power, they 
pointed to the letters, speeches, and votes 
of Gen. Harrison and John Tyler, as con- 
tainining the principles by which they 
would be governed, and as embodying and 
indicating the policy they proposed to 
adopt. Both of these men were well 



13 



known to have been always opposed to a 
National Bank, on con.sfituiional, and other 
[frounds — opposfd to a IukIi Protective Tar- 
iff", on grounds of common justice and 
constilutinni'Jity. They insisted, strenu- 
ously, upon a r\\s,\d adherence to the Com- 
promise Act of 1832-3, and in the language 
of Gen. Harrison, in his Zane.-ville letter, 
dated November 2d, I806, were for "sup- 
porting the Compromise," and would "nev- 
er agree to its being altered or rcj)ealcd," 
and tiiey favored a distribution of the pro- 
ceeds ot the sales of tlie public lands, only, 
in case the land fund was not needed in 
the national Treasury, for the economical 
administration of the government under 
the operation of a Compromise Tariff; with 
these men, and upon these professed prin- 
ciples, and under circumstances which 
were a disgrace to the country, a reproach 
upon Republicanism, a mockery, a derision, 
and a fraud upon the sacred right of popu- 
lar suffrage, they succeeded in deceiving 
the people, and gaining possession of tlie 
government. Placed in possession of pow- 
er, they at once threw olF the fraudulently 
assumed mantle of democracy that had cov- 
ered, like charily, the multitude of their 
federal sins, and presented themselves to 
the astonished gaze of an injured, insulted, 
and betrayed people, in their true charac- 
ters, as rank Hamiltonian Federalists. 

THEY HAD TOLD THE PEOPLE THAT A BANK 
WAS NOT IN ISSUE. 

At the first, the extra session of their 
Congress assembled in May, 1841, three 
Bank bills were introduced; one, submitted 
to thetn by their Executive, was rejected 
by the Senatorial Dictator, Henry Clay, 
although it was, perhaps, the least obnox- 
ious of the three, chiefly because it did ema- 
nate from the Executive, and not from 
himself. Two other bills for the charter of 
a mammoth Bank of the United States, of 
the worst description, were successively 
passed by Congress, under the direction 
of the same Dictator, and successively fai'ed 
to become laws, for the want of approbation 
and signature of the Executive. 

The opposers before the election of a 
high protective tariff, they afterwards 
enacted a tariff, little, if any, less onerous 
than the bill of abominations, the tariff of 
1828. The stern asserters of the inviola- 
bility of the Compromise act of '32-3. They 
violated it in tlie Distribution act, and utter- 
ly abrogated it by their tariff law. They 
were the advocates of a distribution of the 
proceeds of sales of public lands, only when 
those proceeds were not necessary in the 



administration of the treasury under a 
ti^riff conrorrncd to the provisions of the 
Compromise act. The national treasury 
became bankrupt, undrr their administra- 
tion of it; a public debt was created to 
suj)ply the daily necessities of the treasury, 
to keep the government in operation, the 
Compron)ise act violated and abolished, a 
high protective tariffenacted, the same whig 
party in Congress passed an unconditional 
and absolute di.~iribution bill, alike regard- 
less of the condition of the treasury, the 
fate of the Compromise act, of the tariff, 
and of their pledges to the people. They 
were opposed to a national debt, and prom- 
ised 10 reduce tlie debt, which they falsely 
charged as having been created during the 
preceding administration. They have in- 
creased it, from less than five millions of 
transient debt, in the form of treasury notes 
not yet matured or redeemable, to a per- 
manent debt of thirty millions, exclusive of 
treasury notes. 

The high toned and peculiar advocates 
and representatives of morality, honesty 
and good faith, they enacted a corrupt and 
corrupting bankrupt law, for the benefit of 
bankers, bank stock and land speculators, 
swindling bankrupts and bankrupt poli- 
ticians, to the great injury and grievous 
wrong of sound merchants and honest 
laborers of every calling, and to the incalcu- 
lable depravity of public and private moral- 
ity and virtue. A law under which there 
has probably been more legal and moral 
perjury in one year, than there has been 
under all the insolvent laws of all the States, 
since the foundation of the government — 
a law which strikes at tlie very root of so- 
ciety — confidence between man and man. 

They made many other promises and 
pledges before the election: such as, to 
"procribe proscription" — to "dimini.-h Ex- 
ecutive patronage" — to "disconnect the 
government from partizan presses," &c. 
kc; all of which promises they have re- 
deemed in like manner and spirit as those 
already adverted to. From these facts, and 
many others not here referred to, it is evi- 
dent that the present whig party, true to 
tiieir federal'origin and instincts, are the 
same now as their predecessors in the days 
of Hamilton, Adams and the Ali-^n and 
Sedition laws. 

From the conduct of the whigs in the 
last Congress, and from the course of their 
partizan presses, it cannot be doubteil the 
whig party are determined, if possible, to 
accomplish the assumption of the debts of 
the States by the General Government. 



14 



There is, in fact, in iheir principles and 
policy, ihe same tendency to tlie concen- 
tration ol'all power in the General Govern- 
ment, and the consolidation oC all Stale 
sovereignties in one grand central power; 
the ri:iMie desire lor the exercise by the 
government of powers not granted in the 
con.stituiion; the same design of rendering 
the government independent of the will 
of the people, by throwing around it, and 
concentrating in it, the interest and influ- 
ence of associated wealth, through the 
agency of a national debt, with its fund- 
holders preying upon the vitals of the 
treasury — a National Hank, WMth immense 
capital, and its Briarean arms drawing into 
its [)0wer every commercial, landed and 
poliiical interest of tiie country. A high 
protective tariff, creating an aristocracy of 
■wealthy manufacturers, and the assumption 
of 200 millions of State debts, creating at 
dnce the apology and necessity for all the 
rest. 

The accomplishment of these purposes 
would fulfill tiie design of Hamilton — the 
creation of a strong government, supported 
by special interests, and rendered indepen- 
dent of any other will than its osvn, and 
irresponsible to the people. Add to these 
the abolition of the presidential veto, as con- 
ferred upon him by the constitution, and 
their scheme is perfected, and all power 
vested in a congressional majority. 

The democratic party, on the contrary, 
contend for a strict construction of the con- 
Btitution, and deny that there exists any- 
where the right to so construe it as, by ira- 
plicaiion, to confer upon the government, 
or any department of it, powers no where 
found in that constitution; believing that 
it best fulfills the true spirit and design of 
tl»e constitution, and conduces most to the 
happiness and welfare of the people, when 
it least encroaches upon the prescribed 
limits of Stale auihoriiy — and least inter- 
fores with the individual citizens of the 
several States, except lo protect him in 
his rights and defend him from wrong, 
where iho Stale governments are inefK- 
cieni for the purpose. They are, there- 
fore, opposed to tlie whole scheme of fed- 
eral whig policy: consisting of a national 
bank, high protective tariff, distribution of 
the proceedsof sales of public lands among 
the .States, the abolition of the constitution- 
al veto of the President, and the assump- 
tion of the debts of the several Stales by 
the federal government. 



THE DEMOCRACY ARE OPrOSED TO 
A NATIONAL BANK : 

1st. Because the government of the 
United Stales is one of specific and limited 
powers, enumerated in the coustiiution; 
and can exercise no powers noi therein 
granted, or "necessary and proper" to 
carry into effect such as are granted. And 
the authority to charter a bank is no where 
conferred by that instrument; nor is a bank 
"necessary and proper" to carry into effect 
any of the granted powers. It is not "ne- 
cessary," because-^'ery power granted can 
be carried into effect without the instru- 
mentality of a bank. Such an institution 
is not necessary to the regulation of com- 
merce — to the "coining of money, or the 
regulation of the value thereof;" nor to pro- 
vide for the "common defence and general 
welfare." All the important functions of 
the government have been successfully 
and happily exercised and fulfilled with- 
out the aid of a bank; nor is it necessary 
to the "collection, safe keeping and dis- 
bursement of the public revenue." There 
is no power in the government whose 
successful execution requires the agency 
of a bank. It is not 'proper,' because, aa 
it is not 'necessary' within the intention of 
the constitution it cannot be constitutional; 
because such an institution is variant from 
the true spirit and genius of our free insti- 
tutions; because it is inconsistent with and 
dangerous to the rights of the States; be- 
cause it is destructive of that equality of 
rights and privileges that pertains to a free 
government; because it tends to depreciate 
the value of the higher iniellectual and 
moral qualities, which are the basis upon 
which depends the stability of our govern- 
ment — deriving its authority from the pop- 
ular will, by attaching to an employment 
demanding none of the higher virtues or 
intellectual attainments, too large a portion 
of ihe honors, distinctions and emoluments 
of life. 

2. Because, as the lOth Art. of the 
Amendments to the Constitution declares 
that, "The powers not dele>>ated to the U- 
niied Stales by the Constitution, nor prohi- 
bited by it, to the States are reserved to the 
States respectively or to the people," and 
as the power to incorporate a Bank was 
not " delegated" to the United States by 
the Constitution, it is therefore "reserved 
to the States respectively or to the people," 
and the Incorporation of a Bank by tho 
Government, would be a violation of the 
"reserved" rights of the Slates and the 
people. 



15 



The establishment by the Government of 
the United States, of a l^ank with brandies 
or ag;pncies in the several Statee, is not on- 
ly assumption of power beyond its consti- 
tutional rights, and a consequent violation 
of the reserved abstract rights of the States, 
but it is an actual pradical infringement 
upon the territorial sovereignty of the states: 
and the circulation of its notes within the 
limits of a State, operates as an unconstitu- 
tional restriction upon the right of taxation 
reserved to the States. The States reserv- 
ed to themselves all powers of taxation ex- 
cept the laying of "duties and imposts, 
upon imports or exports." They have 
therelbre the absolute right to tax among 
other things, the paper circulation within 
their territorial limits. Eul they are denied 
the right to tax the paper of a Bank charter- 
ed by the general government, which may 
entirely displace their own circulating 
medium, and thus divest the States of all 
power over this subject of taxation. 

3. Because it was designed by the fra- 
mersof the Constitution, to deny the gov- 
ernment the right to grant a charier of in- 
corporation for any purpose. The proposi- 
tion was several times made in the conven- 
tion which agreed upon the Constitution, 
to confer the power for certain specified 
purposes, and as often rejected by decisive 
votes, for various reasons, and for this 
especially, that the power to incorporate 
for any purpose would be construed by 
some, to convey the general power of in- 
corporation for every purpose, and would 
be made use of to charter a Bank. They 
liad in their day, experienced and learned 
to appreciate the evils of paper money, and 
therefore desired and designed that the 
government they were framing should es- 
cape them, by being deprived of the power 
of creating or recognizing, as money, any 
thing but gold and silver. 

4. Because the whole power of the gov- 
ernment over the currency, conferred by 
the Constitution is, "to coin money and to 
regulate the value thereof, and of foreign 
coins;" whereas by the incorporation of a 
national bank, it assumes and e.xercises the 
pow'er of regulating and controling the pa- 
per currency of the states as well as of crea- 
ting and issuing one of its own. If the 
states have the right by the incorporation of 
local or state banks, to authorize the issue 
of a paper circulation, it is a "reserved" 
and sovereign power, and the exercise of 
a control over it by any means, by the gov- 
ernruent of the United States, is an assump- 
tion of power not authorized by the Consti- 
tution, a violation oftlie rights of the states, 



and a breach of the federal compact. If 
the Slates liave tlie right to charter banks of 
issue, those banks are state insiituitons, re- 
sponsible only to the states under whose 
authority they exist, and the general gov- 
ernment can exercise no control over them, 
either directly by specific legislation, or in- 
directly through the agency of a national 
bank. But if the government of the Uni- 
ted Slates can make or recognize any thing 
as money, except "coin," it is then under 
a constitutional obligation to "regulate" it, 
to assume the wIidIg control of it, and at 
once to divest the states of all power over it. 
This presents a dilemma, the only escape 
from which is the recognition of the true 
principle of the Constitution, that the gene- 
ral governtTient cannot make, in any way 
director indirect, or recognize, by receiv- 
ing it as such, any thing as money, but 
"coin." This relieves us of all di/Ticulty, 
and precludes the federal governtiient from 
receiving or using as money, any piper of 
banks and aforllori, from creating any such 
paper itself. It cannot therefore charier a 
bank with the power of issuing a paper cir- 
culation. 

5. Because the government of the Uni- 
ted States has no right to confer the special 
privilege upon a iew individuals, of using 
the public moneys for their private purpo- 
ses. The money received in the national 
treasury is collected from the people, for 
the common benefit, the support of their 
government, and cannot justly or constitu- 
tionally be appropriated to any other pur- 
poses. Yet the revenues of the United 
Stales aie deposited in a bank of the Uni- 
ted States, not as a species of bailment, or 
special deposite, simply to be kept safely, 
and returned as deposited when called for, 
but to be returned only in like amount, and 
to be used in the meanwhile, for the spe- 
cial benefit of favorites, and private stock- 
holders of the bank. The Constitution of 
theU. S. provides, that "no money shall be 
drawn froiii the treasury, but in conse- 
quence of appropriations made by law." — 
A national bank is to all intents and purpo- 
ses in fact, the treasury of the United States, 
and the withdrawal of the moneys of the 
government theret'rom, in the iorm of pri- 
vate loans, discounts and e.xchanges, is a 
withdrawal of "money from the treasury" 
not "in consequence of appropriations 
made by law," and is a violation of the 
Constitution. 

6. Because an institution of this kind is 
contrary to the spirit and design of our 
whole system of government — conferring 
exclusive and greatprivileges upon the few, 



16 



concentrating the influence of wealth in 
one irresponsible corporate monopoly, 
transferring the management of the reve- 
nues of the government, to hands not 
amenable to tlie people, and thus virtually 
conveying away, the control of the gov- 
ernment itself through its finances, from 
those to whose charge it was committed by 
the Constitution, to others not known to 
the Constitution nor responsible to the peo- 
ple. In fact, creating a government within 
a government, well calculated & interested 
to obtain command over and thus to super- 
cede the government of the Constitution es- 
tablished by the states and the people. 

7. Because a national bank, is danger- 
ous to the liberties of the people and to the 
existence of a free government. 

In proof of this position, it is unnecessary 
to recount the history of the last ten years; 
to instance the great and fearful contest, 
between the legitimate conptiiutional au- 
thorities of the nation, and the late "Bank 
of the UnitedStates," for the independence 
of the government, on one side, and the 
control of the government and of the 
rights of the people on the other, it is need- 
less to exhibit in detail the unprecedented 
and unjustifiable eflforts, on the part of 
that institution, to influence and control 
the elections, we need not specify the 
means resorted to, to accomplish this nefa- 
rious purpose; we need not depict the dis- 
gusting spectacle of corruption presented 
by it, upon its dissolution — these things are 
all fresh in your remembrance and the re- 
collection of them will be sufficient to warn 
you against incurring such dangers in fu- 
ture, by supporting a party which is identi- 
fied with that institution and its corrup- 
tions, and upon the restoration of which, 
or the creation of one of a similar character, 
they have largely staked their hopes o! suc- 
cess, and their claims upon your suffrages 
in the apj)roaching contest. 

THE DEMOCRACY ARE OPPOSED TO 
A HIGH PROTECTIVE TARIFF. 
1. Because government is instituted for 
the common good of the whole, and not 
for the special benefit of a part. When 
therefore government undertakes to confer 
special favor or boutiiies upon one class, 
or depariment of business and does not ex- 
tend the same favors or bounties to every 
other, it departs from the true ohject and 
design of all government — and because the 
govi-rnmeni of the United States by means 
of a Proioctive Tarifl", does so confer spe- 
cial and exclusive favor or bounties upon 
a favored class, the manufacturers, wliich 



are not only denied to all other classes and 
departments of business, but are an actual 
burden and heavy tax upon them. 

2. Because the Constitution does not 
authorize the government to confer special 
privileges, except for the specified purpose 
of promoting "the progress of science and 
the useful arts," !)y "securing for limited 

I times, to authors .Jc inventors the exclusive 
I right to their respective writings and dis- 
I coveries." And because a Protective Ta- 
riff does so confer other special and exclu- 
sive privileges upon a few, the manufac- 
turers, not accorded to the many engaged 
in other pursuits. 

3. Because government has no right to 
impose taxes upon the majority of the peo- 
ple, for the benefit of the minority. And 
because a Protective TariflF is sucli a tax 
upon millions of men employed in the 
various mechanic arts, in planting, farming, 
comm.erce, and all the other multifarious 
pursuits of industry, for the peculiar bene- 
fit ofcomparatively few thousands, engaged 
in manufacturing. The great majority of 
the people of the United States, esptcially 
in the west and south, are occupied in the 
cultivation of the soil. Agriculture is the 
great pursuit of Americans. It is the pri- 
mal and unfailing source of national wealth, 
it is the broad and strong foundation of na- 
tional greatness. The hardy yeomanry of 
America are the real supporters of t!ie gov- 
ernment in time of peace, its safe- 
guards and stern defenders iit war. It is 
therefore upon them the government should 
bestow its care, it is their rights and their 
interests, that government should guard 
with ever watchful eye and protect with 
the strong arm. It should as far as its 
powers will enable it, secure to him the 
just reward of his toil, by opening wide 
the markets of the world to his surplus pro- 
ductions, or at least do nothini: in close 
those markets and thus prevent lu.- obtain- 
ing the best price for the products of his 
labor. Yet he is most heavily taxed by 
the ojieration of the high tariff, which at 
the same time shuts him up from the mar- 
kets of the world, by excluding importa- 
tions from those markets to pay for his pro- 
ductions. The farmers of the west and 
the plantersof the south are at once the 
largest producers of American exports and 
the greatest consumers of articles of foreign 
import and domestic manufactures. And 
as the greatest consumers of articles of ma- 
nufacture, such as clothes, woolens, coarse 
cottons, &c., they pay the largest amount 
ofrevenues of the general government rais- 
ed by the tariti'of duties ou imports, while 



17 



at the same time ihey produce by far the 
largest amount of staples of export, by 
which those imports are paiJ ior in the 
foreign market, and without wliicli, those 
impo'rts could not be made, or the revenues 
of government raised. The existence of 
ihis stale of things cannot be defended 
upon any correct principles of sound poli- 
tical economy, and is palpable and gross in- 
justice. 

4. Because a Protective Tariff i/icrcase* 
the price of articles of consumption, whe- 
ther imported, or manufactured in this 
country — while at the same time it dimin- 
ishes tlio value of articles of production, 
and exportation. Imports canno*. of course 
be made and sold at the same price when 
a heavy duty must first be paid upon them, 
as they could when a light duty or no duty 
at all is required to be paid. This is too 
simple and clear a proposition to need 
illustration. The imposition of duty, then 
raises the price of the imported article in 
proportion to the amount of the duty. — 
Men will always obtain as much for their 
goods as they can. Therefore if the price 
of the imported article is increased by a 
lariff, the same or similar article of domestic 
manufacture will be increased in price to 
exactly the same extent. And a high ta- 
riff by thus auginenting the price of arti- 
cles of consumption, both of foreign and 
domestic manufacture, we regard as an un- 
just and oppressive burden upon the ma- 
jority of the people, for the sole advan- 
tage of a meagre minority of already 
wealthy manufacturers. 

A protective tariff by excluding importa- 
tions from foreign countries, diminishes to 
the same extent, the ability of those coun- 
tries to purchase our surplus productions. 
The exports of our surplus productions of 
cotton, tobacco, sugar, wheat, flour, corn, 
beef, pork, ix:z. kc, must be chictiy paid for 
in the surplus productions, (for the most 
part inanufactures) of those countries who 
buy from us, and therefore whatever ex- 
cludes their surplus productions diminishes 
to the same extent their ability to buy ours. 
A high protective tariflf does so exclude 
them, by the imposition of duties so heavy, 
as to render it impossible to import and sell 
them in competition with the protected 
domestic manufactures. They are there- 
fore unable to buy of us, because they are 
prevented from paying in the only way 
they have the means of paying, in their 
own productions. We refuse to take their 
goods, they cannot take ours. The conse- 
quence of this mad, corrupt and suicidal 
policy, is, that the markets of the world are 



partially closed against the products of 
labor, of the vast majority of the productive 
classes of the United States. 

The American producer nmst, therefore, 
either not sell at all or sell at great disad- 
vantage, and at reduced prices, while he 
is by the same cause compelled to purchase 
articles of consumption at a mucli higher 
price. 

A protective tariff is, therefore, in truth 
a tax upon exports, which the govern- 
ment ought never to impose, directly, or 
indirectly, by means of duties upon imports 
beyond what is indispensibly necessary for 
competent revenue. 

5. Because the power to "lay and col- 
lect taxe.^, duties, imports and excises," 
was granted to the government by the con- 
stitution, for the sole purpose of enabling it 
to support itself and to pay its debts; to 
raise revenue sufficient for its proper and 
economical administration in time of peace, 
and its defence in war. The States and 
the people who formed, acceded to, and 
ratified the constitution, as a solemn, bind- 
ing compact, never intended that the gov- 
' ernment created by it should employ the 
powers, granted to it solely for its main- 
tenance and support, to confer peculiar 
favors and bounties upon a small class of 
the citizens of a few States, to the conse- 
quent grievous injury and oppression of 
all the other States, and a vast majority of 
the whole people. It cannot for a moment 
be supposed that sovereign States, acting 
in their sovereign capacity, and jealous of 
their power, could ever have entered into 
a compact which admitted such inequality 
and injustice; or that the people of the 
States could ever have been induced to 
ratify and sanction such a compact. 

THE DEMOCRACY ARE OPPOSED TO 
A DISTRIBUTION AMONG THE 
STATES OF THE PROCEEDS OF 
SALES OF PUBLIC LANDS: 
1. Because at the present time the treas- 
ury of the United States requires them in 
the conduct of the fiscal affairs of the gov- 
ernment. The revenue under the present 
high protective tariff is insufficient, even 
when aided by the land fund, to meet the 
financial exigencies of the National Trea- 
sury. The deficiency exclusive of the Pub- 
lic Debt is estimated by millions. 

2 Because a portion of the public lands 
were ceded to the United States by the 
Stales to whom they belonged, in trust for 
the "common benefit of all the States," 
and not for the particular benefit of each 
State; and therefore the government has 



18 



no right to divide and distribute the pro- ' 
ceeds among the States separately, but is 
bound by tlie conditions of the trust to be- 
etow them in the conmion treasury of all 
the States, the treasury of the United States, 
to be employed for the common benefit ol 
all; for national purposes, according to ap- 
propriations made by Congress, in common 
with the revenues derived from other 
sources. Adistribuion would be an aban- 
donment, or a refusal to fulfill the trust, 
jnd a violation of it. But the government 
has no right either to surrender, neglect or 
violate the trust. It must continue to 
execute the trust, in good faith, according 
to its terms, until the fund be exhausted. 

3. }3ecause another, and very large por- 
tion of the public domain, was purchased 
with the common funds of the nation, 
drawn for the purpose from the National 
Treasury, into which it was collected in 
revenues derived from duties upon im- 
ports, and from other sources, and with 
other considerations and equivalents of a 
national character, all agreed upon by treaty 
with foreign nations. To distribute the 
revenues arising from these lands would 
be tantamount to a distribution of funds 
collected from duties and other sources, 
directly. It would be collecting revenues 
from duties upon imports imposed for the 
purpose of distribution among the States. 
The right to do which will not be con- 
tended for or defended. 

4. Because the tendency of distribution 
is to impair the just and constitutional in- 
dependence of the Slates. "The command 
of the revenue is the command of the 
State." And so far as the federal govern- 
ment had command of the revenues of the 
Slates, by means of this distribution, 'it 
•would have a controlling and corrupting 
inriuence in their affairs. 

5. Because we regard the magnificent 
pi blic domain as a sacred, inviolable and 
inalienable basis of national credit— as a 
safe, permanent, and almost inexhaustible 
resource in times of danger, financial dif- 
ficulty or war — as a reliance, security and 
fiafe-guard, such as is possessed by no other 
people in the world, which should, on no 
consideration, be alienated Ironi the nation. 
THE DEMOCRACY ARE OPPOSED TO 

THE ABOLITION OR MODIFICA- 
TION OF THE VETO POWER AS 
VESTED IN THE PRESIDENT BY 
THE CONSTITUTION. 
1. Because it is necessary to the har- 
mony of that system of government devi- 
sed and established by the Fathers of the 



Country, under the guidance of Divine 
Providence, for a nation whom he seems 
to have chosen for peculiar I'avor, and upon 
whom he has been pleased to bestow bles- 
sings never before enjoyed by any people. 
This government is a peculiar one, posses- 
sing, it would appear, the capacity of adap- 
tation to all emergencies, and embodying in 
itself a wisdom far greater and higher than 
its franurs themselves possessed or dreamed 
ot imparting to it. 

The Representatives in Congress are 
elected for i!ie most part, by the people of 
particular sections or districts of the sev- 
eral States of this Union. The Senators 
are elected by the States in their corporate 
and sovereign capacities, through their leg- 
islatures. The President alone i:^ elected by 
all the people of all the several States. The 
Representative has for his constituency, the 
people of his particular district, and is res- 
ponsible only to them. The Senator hag 
for his constituency, the Legislature of his 
State, and to that only is he amenable. The 
President has for his constituency, the 
whole people of all the several States, and 
is alike responsible to all. He alone is the 
representative of all the people in all the 
Slates, and he alone is bound to guard the 
interests of all. The Representative acts 
for his district, the Senator ibr his State, 
but the President alone acts for the whole 
people. He alone, from an exalted emi- 
nence, surveys all the multifarious inter- 
ests of all Sections and all classes, and 
feels, and thinks, and acts, for the common 
interest of the whole. 

He therefore, was wisely andjustly made 
a component and necessary ingredient in 
that legislative power, wliich was designed 
to elicit and enforce the will of the people 
of the States, in the peculiar manner desig- 
nated and provided in the Constitution.— 
It was designed by the constitution, to 
create a Government by a compact among 
sovereign States, which should maintain to 
a certain extent, the independent sover- 
eignty of those States, and give expression 
to their will as such, by means of the Sen- 
ate;— which should possess some feaiuresof 
a Representative democracy, eliciting the 
will of the people, as such, of the several 
States directly, by meansofihe House ofRep- 
resentatives, and also secure the represen- 
tation of the combined will of the majority 
of all the people of all the several States, hj 
means of the President of the United 
States. Bv thus combining all tbe elements 
that entered into the compact, the framers 
of the consiilution hoped to give a full and 



19 



perfect expression to the will of all the 
parties toth;u coinj)act. Tliisobject would 
have been but iruperl't'Ctly atiaiiied, if the 
Pcesident had not been t^iveii a voice in the 
enactment of laws, which as national laws 
must act upon the whole people, by re- 
quiring his approbation before they could 
become operative and permitting him the 
right of withholding his approval and sig- 
nature. 

2. JJecausc llie power of dissent from 
the acts of the legislature is necessary to 
preserve the proper independence of the 
Executive and to protect his constitutional 
rights and functions, against legislative vi- 
olation or encroachment These were doubt- 
less the primary objects of the framers of 
the Constitution in conferring upon the 
Presidejit this suf:j)ensive check upon con- 
gressional action. They believed that an 
increase and assumption of power to them- 
selves & encroachment upon the distinctive 
powers of other Departments, was more to 
be feared from the Legislative than the Ex- 
ecutive Department of <TOvernment; and 
experience hasjustified their apprehension. 
But they designed tliat each department 
should in its own sphere, be independent, 
of every other, and alone responsible for 
the proper exercise of its functions, and the 
performance of its con^^titutional duties. — 
To secure this Independence and respon- 
sibility in the Executive the protective pow- 
er of the Veto was necessary. 

3. Eecause the Veto power is necessa- 
ry to protect ttie weaker sections, and inter- 
est of the country, asainst violatioiis of their 
rights by stronger. Constituted in the pecu- 
liar manner that our government is, it may 
happen and in Congressional history often 
has occurred, that combinations of particu- 
lar, sectional or party interests may be Ibrm- 
od, making a majority in both houses of 
Congress capable and corrupt enough to 
legislate at will for the benefit of their par- 
ticular, sectional or party interest, while 
that majority may not represent, either a 
majority of the people of the States, of the 
productive interests, or of the wealth 
of the country. The Veto power is 
here clearly necessary to protect the major- 
ity of the people, Slates and interests, 
agalnbt the unjust and oppressive legisla- 
tion of the Congressional Representatives 
of a minority of all these interests. Again 
reverse the case, let the Congressional ma- 
jority represent a majority of States, people 

and interests, the nnnority of all these have 
rights which are entitled to be respected. — 
The President alone has an interest and 
an ability to interpose and protect them. 



4. Because the su^5pensive veto is necessa- 
ry to guard the country against the evils of 
hasty and ill-advised legislation. 

There are times of excitement and great 
popular commotion, when prii.cip!(! and 
prudence are merged in the convulsions of 
the hour. The Representatives of the peo- 
ple and States become infected by sympa- 
thy, and their legislation does noi result 
from calm deliberation, and dispassionate 
reflection, but is characterized by indiscre- 
tion and folly, instead of wisdom. Here, 
the President, from his elevation above the 
tumult beneath him, coolly interposes, calls 
upon Congress to reconsider their habty and 
indiscreet acts; re-enact, by a majority of 
two-thirds of each House; abandon them 
altogether, or refer them to the "sober sec- 
ond thought of the people." And it is a 
remarkable fact, worthy to be noted here, 
that never yet have the people failed in 
their sober second thoughts, to sustain a 
President's appeal of this description. 

5. Because, we regard the veto power as 
the great protective power against legis- 
lative violations of the constitution, as an < 
essentially democratic feature of our consti- 
tution and government, and as the great 
reliance of the people against oppression 
and disregard of their rights by an unjust 
and factious party congressional majority; 
and because the main argument for the abol- 
ition of the veto power, namely, that popular 
majorities should always prevail and con- 
trol, would apply with equal force to the 
abolition of the Senate and the Judiciary, 
in the election or appointment of neither 
of which does the element of direct popu- 
lar majority enter at all. If, then, the ar- 
gument is good to alx)lish the veto power 
of the President, it is equally good to abol- 
ish the dissenting vote ot the Senate, which 
is the Senatorial veto upon the acts of the 
House, and the power of the Judiciary to 
declare a law of Congress unconstitutional 
and void, whicli is the Judicial veto upon 
tlie legislative acts of the President and 
both Houses of Congress. This argument 
of popular majoiities would, in fact, destroy 
the whole constitution and system of gov- 
ernment established under it, and sweep 
away Senate, President and Judiciary, 
leaving the House of Representatives, the 
only remnant, in the general wreck of a 
government which, as it now stands, com- 
plex, yet simple, composed of many, yet 
harmoniously united into one, with one 
common will, the unitive emanation of 
many, seems almost like the devise of a 
higher wisdom, and the workmanship of a 
mightier hand than man's. 



90 



Besides, the power of the veto is but a 
suspensive power. It can, in its utmost 
extension, control the action of Congress 
only for a short time, until the sense of the 
people shall have been elicited upon the 
question. If the President was wrong, 
the people will so determine, by the elec- 
tion of a Congressional majority against 
liim: and it is not to be supposed that a 
President would ever oppose birr.self to 
the will of the people thus emphatically 
expressed. 

Moreover, the veto does not absolutely 
annul the action of Congress — it simply 
renders it incumbent upon that body tore- 
pass the act negatived, by a majority of 
two-thirds of each House; and it would be 
a rejection upon the intelligence and pat- 
riotism of any Congress, to suppose that 
they would fail to re-pass the act negatived 
by a majority of two-tliirds, if such act was 
really important, and imperatively demand- 
ed by the interests of their consliiucncy; 
and a reflection upon the President, and 
upon the people who elected him, to sup- 
pose that he would negative a bill thus im- 
portant and necessary. 

At all events, it is not an absolute and 
conclusive, but only a suspensive negative. 
Jtcan control only a small majority of Con- 
gress, who may or may not represent a ma- 
jority of States, people or interests. 

So far from its being the much paraded 
and odious 'one man power,' as it is un- 
justly termed, and tending to an increase 
of executive ])owt'r, every exercise of it 
diminishes and reslrains his power. The 
President is the executor of the laws, and 
his power and patronage are derived solely 
from those laws, enacted by Congress. — 
Therefore, every veto of a President de- 
prives him of the execution of the provi- 
sions of that act so disproved of, and is, to 
that extent, a restriction upon liis patron- 
age and power. 

THE DEMOCRACY ARE OPPOSED TO 
THE ASSUMPTION HY THE FED- 
ERAL GOVERNMENT of the DEUTS 
OF THE STATES: 
1. Because such an assumption by the 
Federal Government, would be an exer- 
cise of power in direct ami pHl[)able viola- 
tion of the constitution. The authority to 
assume the debts of tlie Stales, is no where 
conferred, or intended to be conterrnd, by 
that instrument. Nor can it, by ilu' most 
la itudinarian construction, be deduced 
from any of the granleil powers as incident 
10 ihem, nor derived from it by any species 
of implication. Indeed, the only plausible i 



I ground upon which this power is attempt- 
ed to be assumed, is that all governments 
are established for the common good, and 
therefore, that they can dowhaiuver may 
in their opinion, conduce to the general 
welfare. And they assume, that the as- 
sumption of Slate dehtj! by the general 
government, would conduce to ;he general 
welfare, and thence conclude, that the 
federal gcvc-rnment can and ougii: to exer- 
cise this power. This ar:;uuie:it i.s no bet- 
ter, however, than ihe'r argument, ol' nu- 
merical majorities, as a[)[)lied to liie aboli- 
tion of the Veto, — it is doubly false when 
applied to the government of the United 
States. The government of the United 
State.s is indeed designed to promote the 
general welfare, but not the gem-ral wel- 
fare of a simple absolute numerical majority, 
but the general welfare of all tlie several 
elements or interests, of the federal gov- 
ernment. Slates, people of states, and peo- 
ple of the United Stales, when combined 
and aicertained in the peculiar manner 
and by the several different meau.-5 pre- 
scribed by tiie Constitution. And no one 
portion or department of that general gov- 
ernment can presume^ for the gt-neral wel- 
fare, but can only contribute its share to- 
wards the developement and elfectuaiion 
oftlie general good or will of all, in con- 
formity with the mode and provision of the 
Constitution. And in no event can it be 
the will of the people or conducive to the 
general welfare, to violate the Constitution, 
for that is the permanent supreme will of 
the people, paramount to any temporary 
feeling or interest. To do wliat is not 
therein aiitliorized, the people have them- 
selves determined, that there must be au 
amendment oftlie Constitution, and tboy 
have with a view to the perpetuity of the 
government of the Constitution, jjiovided 
in that instrument for amendmeni.s, when- 
ever lapse of lime or change of circum- 
stances iiiay render them necessary. 

2. Because such assumption by the 
t'ederal government would tend more than 
anyone other measure of federalism, and 
[)erhaps more tlian all others together, to a 
consolidation of the States. It would obli- 
terate the ancient landmarks of the Consti- 
tution, and remove tlie Constitut'onal bar- 
riers between the t^tate and national gov- 
ernments. It would at once destroy tlie 
beautiful equilibrium established by the con- 
stitution, between the relative powers and 
duties of tlie federal and state governments, 
by giving a preponderating and corrupting 
influence to iho federal government over 
the slates, by means ol its control over the 



"21 



treasury and revenues of tiin Slates. — 
It would auniliilate the iudcpendcnct? 
and sovereignty of the States; hy ren- 
derinp; tlieui mere peneiouers upon the 
federal treasury. It would transfer the 
duty and power of taxation to pay 
State de'ois and defray S:at>> expenses, 
from the State itself lo the General Gov- 
ernment, and by so transferrin!^ taxation, 
destroy all check upon State extravagance 
in contracting debts, and in other expen- 
diture^^, by relieving thonn from responsi- 
bility to the people. What is the check 
upon lepislative extravagance in our own 
or any State'? The knowledge of the leg- 
islators that the debts contracted by them 
or by iheir authority must be paid for by 
the peoj.le of the State in taxation, and 
that they are themselves responsible to the 
peoph^ for these taxes. If the General 
Government assume these debts, the re- 
straint no longer exists — the responsibility 
is gone. 

3. Because it would be palpably and 
grossly unjust to the non-indebted States. 
Many of the States of thi.s Union have 
contracted no debts, while others, urged 
on bv the wild spirit of speculation and 
the mania of inten^.al improvement, have 
involved themselves in enormous debts for 
improvements and schemes of various 
kinds, injurious, in some cases, to them- 
selves and of no possiJjle benelit to any 
other State. And yet all the other States, 
whether indebted or not, are, by this ini- 
quitous scheme, required lo contribute to 
the payment of these foolish, imprudent, 
or fraudulent debts, whii;h they never had 
any agency in contracting, which they had 
no power to restrain, and for which they 
never were in any possible manner or de- 
gree liable or respon."ible. Beside^, theas- 
buinpiion of these debts by the Federal Go\^- 
ernment would afford no real relief to the 
poopie of the indebted Slates, because the 
government must raise the amount off the 
people either by direct taxation, or by a 
great increase of ihealready oppressive ta- 
riff, of duties upon imports. Direct taxa- 
tion by the General Government, though 
it might be the most economical and least 
burdensome, is yet the most unsatisfactory 
to the people. because inquisiiorial,and is not 
advocated by any statesman or party. Indi- 
rect taxation, by a system of duties upon im- 
ports, lias been adopted as least itiquisitorial 
and most agreeable to the people, aliiioitgh it 
is really by tar the most burdensome; and es- 
pecially to the West and Soutli, who are the 
greatest consumers of articles of import, 
and consequently the greatest tax payers to 



government, and who, being farthest fron 
tlie place of import or manufacture, in fact 
pav several and even many percentages, 
both upon the profit of the manufacturer, 
and importer, and upon the duty. First 
to the original manufacturer and importer, 
and afterwards to the several parties, of 
eastern jobber, western city merchant, 
and country store-keeper, kc, through 
whose hands tho article passes, before it 
reaches the consumers. Thus the great 
consumers, the planters and farmers of ihe 
South and West, farthest from the ])laces 
of import, bear the heaviest burdens of 
governmental taxation, through the me- 
dium of a tariff upon imports, and yet such 
is the evil of this system of taxation, the 
government receives no part ofliis increas- 
ed payments, but they are like seed scat- 
tered by the way side, dropped here and 
there along the route from the place of im- 
port and manufacture, to the place of con- 
sumption, but chiefly into the coffers of 
the eastern manufacturer. 

And as the States who suffer most from 
their own debts, are chiefly those farthest 
from the eastern seaboard, the place of im- 
port, it is believed that their people would 
encounter much heavier burdens of taxa- 
tion when imposed by the General Govern- 
ment, to pay their State debts, than they do 
by direct taxation by their own State Leg- 
islature for the same purpose. 

4. Because the pledge of the Public 
Lands, (as proposed) to the payment of 
these debts, when assumed by the General 
Government, would be a violation of the 
trust reposed in the government, by the 
States who ceded to it a large portion of 
these lands for the "connnon benefit of all 
the States," and a violation of justice, to 
iho whole people, as regards that portion of 
the public domain, which was purchased 
by the common money of all the people, 
drawn from the national treasury for the 
purpose. Tiio first portion were appro- 
priated in perpetuity to the support oi the 
General Government to pay the national 
war debt, and to diminish the necessity for 
taxation. And whenever a surplus arises 
in the national treasury, instead of distrib- 
uting the proceeds of the Public Lands, or 

j appropriating them to the payment of the 
State debts, the duties on imports should 
be decreased, until the revenue is brought 

I down to the proper standard of an econom- 
ical administration. 

And as to the latter portion they were 
paid for ouiof the common treasury of the 
whole people, and cannot without positive 
injustice, be disposed of for the special ben- 



22 



efit of particular parts. They belong em- 
phatically to the connmon treasury. 

5. Because we are utterly opposed to a 
National Debt. The assumption of the 
debts of the Sta'es, would impose upon the 
Federal Gevernmenta national debt of 200 
millions, which must be provided for by 
vastly increased burdens of taxation upon 
the people. While the Federalists have al- 
ways considered a national debt, as a "na- 
tional blessing," the Democracy have ever 
regarded it as a national curse, 

6. Because this national debt would 
create the necessity for a great increase of 
the present already unjust and oppressive 
tariff of duties upon imports. Even with 
the small debt now resting upon the Gov- 
ernment, of about 30 millions, with an an- 
nual expenditure of not more than 25 or 30 
millions, and with the existing high tariff, 
the national revenues are less than the ex- 
penses, by a deficiency estimated officially, 
by millions. By the assumption of this 
200 millions of debt, the deficiency would 
be proportionally augmented. This sub- 
sisting and newly increased deficiency 
would have to be met and provided for by 
either, an increase of the present tariff, and 
its extension to such necessaries of life as 
are now classed among "free articles," or by 
a resort to direct taxation by the General 
Government. Such an increase of the ta- 
riff would add to the wealth and intiuence 
of that already powerful privileged class of 
protected eastern manufacturers, and give 
them an unjust and dangerous power in 
the administration of the General Govern- 
ment. 

7. Because it is the most certain means 
of accomplishing the great Federal design, 
of a strong concentrated and consolidated 
Government, under the direction and con- 
trol of a powerful, privileged and protected 
class of wealth, interested in the support 
of the government, in oppression for their 
benefit. 

The assumption of this amount of debt and 
the issue of scrip, based upon the public 
lands, would demand the agency or some 
institution, or special department toman- 
age that large amount of debt. This insti- 
tution would be either a National Bank, 
such as that established by Alexander Ham- 
ilton for the same purpose, or some scheme 
of an American British Exchequer. In 
this scheme of assumption then, is devel- 
oped as consequent upon it, the whole an- 
cient, modern, and only system, or 
scheme, of Federal measures and policy, 
of tioverument. An enormous national 
debt, with its thousand cormorant fund- 



c 

holders, fiittenmg upon the revenues o' 
government, wrenched from the hard 
hands of oppressed, despised, and de- 
graded labor. A National Bank with 
immense real or fictitious capital, as ne- 
cessary lor the management of the debt, 
drawing into its corrupt and corrupting 
vortex, every pecuniary interest ot the 
country, by its direct and indirect bribes to 
politicians in the form of "accommoda- 
tions," "facilities," and "fair business 
transactions," poisioning the stream of lib- 
erty and law, in the halls of National Leg- 
islation, and by controlling the legislators, 
governing the Government. And finally 
a high protective tariff; creating an aris- 
tocracy of wealth in the manufacturers, 
more odious than the hereditary noblesse 
of monarchy, interested in Kustainini< the 
government, and the bank, in oppression, 
injustice, and disregard of the rights and 
interests of the States and of the people. 
These would indeed constitute a govern- 
ment, capable of mantaining itself a2;ainst 
the ignorance, the passions and ti;e folly of 
that senseless and unruly mob, as federal- 
ism seems ever to regard the people. 

Secure these measures, and abolish the 
veto power, and a corrupt party congres- 
sional majority rules supreme. Federal- 
ism is the same now under the name of 
whigisni, and under the dictatorial lead of 
Clay, as it was in the days of Hamilton and 
the Elder Adams. I isguise it, deny it, as 
they may, their interests, their sympathies, 
their objects, and their Uieasures, are still 
the same. Like the Bourbons of France, 
"they learn nothing, and forget nothing." 

It is scarcely necessary to argue: 

8. That the scheme is utterly impractica- 
ble. 

When we see the Government with a 
debt of only thirty millions, and a high 
tariff, such as the present, with the aid of 
the proceeds of sales of public lands, una- 
ble to meet an annual expenditure of 
twenty-five millions. We know not which 
to wonder at most, the besotted folly, or 
the base corruption of men, who would 
advocate the voluntary assumption, in vio- 
hition of the Constitution ami of common 
justice, of a debtof 200,000,000, which the 
Government never contracted, or had any 
agency or control in creating. The inter- 
est of this debt, even at the low rate of 
three per cent., would add jusi 6,000,000 
per annum, to tlie burdens of the National 
Treasury; and if the principal were to be 
provided for (as proposed in Win. Cost 
Johnson's scheme) in oO years, there would 
be 6,666,666 additional per annum, making 



23 



for principal and interest for 30 years, an 
annual burdnn upon the treasury, and tax- 
ation upon the people of $12,6CG,G66. 

Yet, unconstitutional, unjust, oppressive, 
and impracticable as this scheme is, it is, in 
our opinion, thr* stilled, determined and 
favorite policy of tlie whig parly. They 
deny it when directly charged upon them 
— they evade or dodge it when called up- 
on for a distinct vote of approbation or con- 
demnation. Yet, while they deny it in 
one place, they are insidiously urging it 
in another. It is too appropriate for the 
accomplishment of their purposes, and too 
well calculated to effectuate their views 
and wishes in regard to Government and 
system of measures, for them not in their 
hearts to desire its success. They know, 
too, that if a "proper understanding" is had 
with the American and Foreign holders of 
State bonds, those bond-holders could af- 
ford to furnish nnliions for the conduct of 
the canvass, in order to the success of their 
party, and make money by the operation. 
They will, therefore, prohai'dy continue as 
they have done heretoforo, to deny and 
urge, urge and deny the project, so as to 
be enabled, with as much justice as they 
did in 1841, in regard to a Eank, to assert 
that the people have decided in favor of 
assumption. Forewarned by the past, we 
must be forearmed for the future. 

THE OREGON QUESTION. 

In connection with our national policy, 
we cannot withhold an expression of our 
opinion in regard to a subject which has 
recently greatly agitated the public mind — a 
subject upon whicii the West, especially, 
feel a deep and abiding interest — a subject 
in which are involved the national rights 
and the national honor; we allude to the 
Oregon question. The whole territory of 
Oregon, included between 42 deg. and 54 
deg. 40 min. North, and the Rocky Moun- 
tains on the East, and the Pacific ocean on 
the West, belongs to llie United States, by 
every right, recognized by the laws of na- 
tions, as conferring title. It is ours by 
riglu of prior discovery, and by Treaty 
with nations having title by discovery. — 
This territory is larg^ in extent, feriiie of 
soil, capable of great production, and en- 
dowed by nature, with every advantage of 
position and navigation, for great commer- 
cial pur])Oses. The magnificent Oregon 
or Columbia river, llows from the loot of 
the Rocky Mountains, through the whole 
territory, to the Pacific Ocean. The mouth 
of that river, convenient as it is to commerce 
with China and the East Indies, must, in 



time, become the greatest commercial em- 
porium of tho Western world. 

This territory, ours as it is by discovery, 
and by treaty, must, on no account, be 
alienated from the United States — and least 
of all, must it be yielded to the unjust, un- 
founded, and dangerous pretensions of 
England. 

England is the hereditary foe of Amer- 
ica. Her statesmen can never forgive 
the descendants of those who wienched the 
brightest jewel out of England's crown. — 
From the day of their ruluctant acknowl- 
edgment of our independence, as a nation, 
to the present hour. She has lost no oppor- 
tunity to control our government and our 
people by indirection, and the influence of 
her money power. She has sought to hem 
us in on every side by her possessions, or 
her influence over those who hold domin- 
ion of the soil. Willi Canada on the North, 
her West India Islands on the South, she 
now seeks to render Texas a pi ovince, sub- 
ject to her will — and by aggression and 
diplomacy, to hold dominion over Oregon, 
north of the Columbia. 

These pretentions, and these efforts, 
must every where be resisted, and resisted 
sternly, decidedly, and with the arm of 
power, made strong by the cause of justice, 
and of freedom, against injustice, and ag- 
grandizing European despotism. 

The time has certainly now arrived when 
the soil of the continents of America should, 
in conformity with the sentiment of Mon- 
roe, be no longer '-subjects of European 
colonization." America has been selected 
out from all the world, by the God of Liber- 
ty, to be the asylum of the oppressed of 
every nation, and his chosen land of free- 
dom. The foot of monarchy should never 
desecrate its soil; and we, his chosen and 
peculiarly favored people, would render but 
an ill return of gratitude, and make but an 
unworthy acknowledgement of thanks for 
benefits received, were we, upon slight oc- 
casion, or by neglect or indifference to- 
wards our rights, to yield an acre of our sa- 
cred soil to the purposes of despotic monar- 
chy. 

llie people will insist upon what isjust, 
and show the world of despots that the 
people of Republican America know their 
rights, and knowing, dare maintain them. 

WE NOW TURN FROM NATIONAL 
TO STATE AFFAIRS. 

And here, likewise, in the Legislative 

Halls, on the statute books, in the records 

of the Judiciary, and upon the whole face 

1 and history of the country, are every where, 



24 



the incontrovertible evidences of the same 
irresi.'^tible propensity in the federal party, 
to concentrate all power in the govern- 
ment, whether granted to the legislature, 
or other department of the government or 
not, by the people, in their State Constitu- 
tion. 

In this fact there would seem to be an 
inconsistency involved; for while the fed- 
eral party are seeking, by every means, to 
merge and overwhelm the State Govern- 
ments in one concentrated and consolida- 
ted National Government, it would be natu- 
ral to expect them to wrest from the States 
and their departmentsofgovernment, every 
power which could be withheld from them, 
and thus compel the people to look to the 
General Government alone. But, howev 
er inconsistent they may appear in this 
point of view, they are consistent in this 
one grand purpose, the concentration of 
all powers in government, wherever situa- 
ted, and the withdrawal ot ihegovernment 
beyond thereach and control of the people, 
by vesting all power in the hands of a few, 
and rendering that few a wealthy class, in- 
terested in maintaining the government in 
its assnmptioiisof power, by grants to thorn 
of exclusive privileges, and the incorpora- 
tion of them into spf^cial monopolies. 

The possession of exclusive privileges 
and monopolies, separates their possessors 
from the rest of the conimuaily, cr?ates in 
them interests distinct, and adverse from 
those of the mass, renders them indepen- 
dent of the people, and for a time inde- 
pendent of the government which created 
them; begets in them iiot only an interest 
to sustain tlie government in usurpation, 
but also an interest, an\ounting, at times, 
to a necessity, (in self defence,) to seek to 
control the government, in order to secure 
a continuance of thoir special privileges, 
after a forfeiture of them by violation ol 
their charters, or a temporary inability to 
comply with ihc terms, — or a renewal 
of them upon the expiration of the pe- 
riod for which the grant was made. — 
And the interest of all these liolders of spe- 
cial privileges is identical. Therefore, thus 
prompted by interest, or impelled by neces- 
sity, they act by combination, or simultane- 
ously, without preconcert; and by their 
wealth, concentration of power, communi- 
ty of interest, and siuuiltaneous action, they 
obtain an iniluence, and exercise control 
over the Legislature and government of 
the State, which cannot but be fraught with 
injury and dangt^r to the interests and pros- 
perity of all oilier classes, and with imnii- 
neut peril to the rights and liberties of the 



people. True to their federal nature and 
origin, we find the Federal party the constant 
and unwavering advocates of exclusive 
privilege and monopolies for the favored 
and weahhy few. 

For many years the democracy of Ohio 
have been waging an unceasing war in the 
cause of Bank Reform. At every step, and 
at every turn, have thoy met the unwearied, 
ami united opposition of the whole feder- 
al party. 

Democracy, in former times, declared 
its willingness to tolerate and sustain the 
banks, so long as they conducted their 
affairs honestly, and in roufoimity to the 
provision of their charters. They did 
so; but when the Banks forsook the path 
of honesty, lent themselves to corrup- 
tion, disregarded and trampled upon the 
laws, deceived, defrauded and robbed the 
people, and confining themselves no longer 
to their legitimate business, entered the 
political arena, sought to control elections, 
dictate to the Legislature and to govern 
the government; the democracy, true to 
their principles and popular rights, repu- 
diated them, denounced them, and took up 
arms against them in defence of a wronged, 
defrauded and outraged people. And 
■when, however, the banks by dishonesty 
defeated the design of their creation, be- 
came rotten and corrupt, trampled upon 
the laws, sought to rule the government, 
and the democracy rejected and cast the-ii 
from them, the wliigs, with a sympathy or 
instinct peculiar to federalisn, opened wide 
their arms, received them to their bosoms, 
and became at once their sponsers, their 
friends and their defenders. They were 
now fit instruments to serve their pur- 
poses. But the democracy, true to prin- 
ciple and the people, true to their rights 
and their liberties, proved too strong for 
them, backed and sustained as they were 
by the wliole force of the infinence, the in- 
tellect and wealth of th' whole federal 
party. The democracy, after years of un- 
intormitted labor and contest, with the ap- 
probation and support of the people, have 
triumphed. Popular rights and the pop- 
ular will have triumphed over the Money 
Power. Fieforms have beeti introduced 
into the banking system, of the highest im- 
portance, which have received the con- 
firmation of the popular voice. The pop- 
ular will has .'sanctioned them. The peo- 
ple's will has bv'n^executed, and they ap- 
pear for the time being to be satisfied; and 
it Is believed, that for the present fuiiher 
action upon the subject does not seem te 
be required by the business interests of tho 



25 



State, nor demanded by the people. Wheth- 
er any t'urilier legislative rolorms in the 
banking system, ami if any, of wliat char- 
acter, shall hereafter be acceptable and re- 
quisite lor tha protection and security of 
the community, we leave to the future de- 
cision of the people tliemselve.s. For the 
present, we believe that a strict a<iherence 
to, and risjid enforcement of, the les^islative 
provisions already made, and santioned by 
the people, will be more conducive to the 
happinrss, prosperity and enterprise of the 
several interests of the State and the peo- 
ple, than a further immediate agitation of 
this all-pervading, all-absorbing and vexed 
question. 

It is needless to argue this bank ques- 
tion. The people comprehend, duly ap- 
preciate, and have unalterably decided it; 
they have endured and suffered too much 
of oppression and depression, beneath the 
iron yoke of corrupt and swindling banks, 
ever to permit it again to be fastened on 
their necks. Tney have been too long and 
too largely robbed of their property, de- 
spoiled of their rights and defrauded of the 
hard earned rewards of their daily toil; they 
have too long, and with too much suffer- 
ing, seen and felt "the sweat of the poor 
man's brow" poured out only "to fertilize 
the rich man's rield," ever to suffer the 
incubus of the old irresponsible banking 
system again to be imposed upon them. 
If any system of banking can hereafter be 
tolerated by the people, it 7nust be a safe one, 
it nmst be one which can and will, and 
from its nature and conditions, viust be hon- 
eilly conducled; none other will, or ought 
be, established or endured. 

INDIVIDUAL LIABILITY. 

We have expressed our opinion that the 
democracy will insist upon a otrict adhe- 
rence to the laws upon banking already 
enacted. And we further add our firm be- 
lief, that they will especially insist upon a 
rigid ai d unfaltering adherence to the great 
and crowning jjrincip'.e now es ablished, 
of the liability ot bankers for the debts of 
their bank, in their personal capacity. iJank- 
ing is a business, and a profitable one, and 
a partnership business, and it is impossible 
to discover any soand reason why it should 
not be placed upon the same basis as any 
other business; or why bankers sliould not 
be equally liable for their debts, as partners 
in any other business. There can be ad- 
duced no sound reason why those who 
enjoy the profits of banking, stiould 
not likewise bear the losses. The injus- 
tice of grantinsr to the bankers all the ad- 



vantages and profits of banking, and im- 
posing upon the rest of the community the 
evils and losses, is tooetrikingly evident to 
need illustration. This monopoly of pro- 
fits, and sortirity against losses, connected 
with the exclusion of the mass of the peo- 
ple from liie emoluments, by special and 
exclusive grants of incorporation to a fa- 
vored \'e\v, and the imposition of all the 
losses upon that majority so excluded, is so 
palpably unjust as to bo incapable of the 
least plausible defence. This injustice is 
now prevented from entering into any 
banking institutions which may hereafter 
be pstabiished under existing laws. 

The Democracy of Ohio have, in the es- 
tablishment of this cardinal principle, taken 
a noble, important and mighty stride, in the 
great cause of Reformation, in the cause 
of principle, and of that full and equal jus- 
tice which a democratic government is 
fairly required and expected to mete out 
to all its citizens. 

Since Ohio assumed the bold and deci- 
ded stand upon the broad platform of Indi- 
vidual Liability, she has occupied a lofty 
position among the States of this Union. 
Ilaving taken the lead in the cause of re- 
form, and maintained her station in the van, 
she has attained an elevation in a political 
and moral point of view, and is exercising 
an influence over public opinion and the 
course of legislation in other States, whose 
ultimate effects cannot fully be conjectured, 
and can only be determined by the devel- 
opcments of time. But by what is already 
seen to be the effects of this moral power 
of Ohio, we may form ^omc anticipations 
what will follow. 

Since Ohio assumed determinately her 
position, her principles have been recog- 
nized as correct in every section of the 
Union. Democratic presses, Governors of 
States, public meetings. Legislatures and 
S ate Conventions have acknowledged, 
endorsed and urged, the correctness and 
practicability of the doc.riiies and princi- 
ples enforced by Ohio Legislation. Adhere 
firmly to our position, and eie long we will 
see Stale after State following our Isad, im- 
itating our example, and enforcing our 
principles. To turn back now, to recede 
from our position, to abandon our cherished 
principles, would indeed bo to undo all 
that we have done, to throw away all that 
we have gained, to disappoint the lovers 
of justice and equality everywhere, to roll 
back the tide of democratic progress, and 
render Ohio, instead of l!ie leader and pio- 
neer in the cause of reform, the example 
to other States, and the pride of the L nion, 



!L>6 



as «he now is — the weak deserter of her 
principles, the recreant to her phghted faith, 
the shame, the ridicule, and the warning 
of her neighbors. But the principle will 
not be abandoned. Nothing that has been 
gained in the struggle of principle and re- 
form, will be yielded or surrendered. All 
will be adhered to and maintained; and by 
this stern adherence, we will deserve and 
receive the confidence of the people, will 
disappoint the hopes of our enemies, and 
fulfill the just expectations of the friends of 
democratic principles everywhere. 

DISSOLUTION OF THE LEGISLATURE 
IN 1842. 

There is one circumstance in the recent 
legislative history of the State to which we 
cannot justly withhold a passing reference, 
characteristic as it is of the true spirit and 
genius of federalism, and illustrative of its 
utter recklessness of law, constitution and 
consequences. We refer to the conduct of 
the Whigs, in dissolving the Legislature of 
the State in the summer of 1842, by the res- 
ignation of their membership of a sufl5cient 
number of them, to deprive the Legislature 
of a constitutional quorum lor the transac- 
tion of business. 

By this unprecedented proceeding, and 
the consequent dissolution of the^ law- 
making department of government, several 
important acts then demanded by the peo- 
ple were defeated, and prevented from 
being perfected into laws. Among these 
was an act for dividing the State into Con- 
gressional districts, in order to the holding 
of the elections for members of the 28th 
Congress. By the defeat of this measure, 
tlie election was prevented from taking 
place at the time appointed by law, and did 
not take place for the space of a year after, 
60 that if any emergency had arisen in that 
time, in the affairsof the nation, demanding 
the consideration and action of Congress, 
and the President in the exercise of his 
constitutional power and duty, had con- 
vened that body in extra session the great 
State of Ohio, with all its important inter- 
ests would necessarily have been without 
any representation in the popular branch of 
that body. 

Another act of a far different kind from 
the last, was likewise defeated by the same 
means, an act providing for the payment of 
certain laborers on the Slate works. The 
wages of these laborers had been fairly and 
fully earned; they were justly ihie by tiie 
State. These claims ofihe in ilustrJous poor 
constituted a debt, than which one moro 
sacred and more incumbent upon the State 



to pay honestly and promptly, cannot easily 
be conceived. 

This proceeding on the partof the whigs, 
is alone a sufficient rehitation of their ofi 
repeated assertions, that they are the only 
conservators of the government, the con- 
stitution and the laws, the opponents of 
violence, faction, nullification, revolution, 
and every departure from strict constitu- 
tional forms; and that the democracy are 
agrarians, faciitionists, destructionists and 
barn burners. In this case they developed 
their own true character and their utter 
disregard of forms, laws and constitutions, 
when they stand in the way of their own 
political schemes and policv. What is nul- 
lification'? The annulment of laws and re- 
fusal to comply with their requisitions. — 
These wliigs not only annulled legislative 
enactments, and refused to comply with 
their requisitions, or to suffer them to be 
imposed, but they destroyed the law-making 
power. Wliat is faction.' A combination 
of a minority to thwart and defeat the will 
of the majority. These whigsnotonly com- 
bined to thwart the will of the majority, 
but they deprived the majority of the peo- 
ples' representatives, of the power of act- 
ing at all, by destroying the legislature. — 
What is revolution] The refusal to obey 
the existing government, and the attempt 
without the forms of law or bv violence, to 
overturn the government. These whigs 
refused to obey the existing government, 
and without and in violation of the forms of 
law and the requisitions of the constitution, 
they overturned the legislative power of 
the State erected under tjiat constitution. 
If these whigs are not, who can be faction- 
ists, destructionists, nullifiers and revolu- 
tionists? 

Such unjust, iniquitous and revolution- 
ary conduct, cannot be too openly and too 
sternly rebuked by an indignant people. 

The course of the revolutionists, the re- 
signing members, has been sustained, de- 
fended and justified by the whole whig 
party. They are therefore justly and fairly 
responsible for the act, amenable to the 
odium attached to it, and atisv/erable for 
the destructive principles involved in it. 

In regard to the condition of the State, we 
can justly say, that the people never enjoy- 
ed more happiness arid sound general pros- 
perity, than at the present time. The busi- 
ness of the .several commercial and produc- 
tive classes was never more healthy. The 
credit of the State was never better, and 
the wants of the comnninity never loss. — 
The leifitiinale currency of the state is sound 



27 



and nothing; of our own is burdenpome but 
taxation. This is in briet', tlio coiulition ot 
the State, after two years of Democratic 
adniinisiraiion of its government. In what 
condition was tlie State transmitted to tlio 
charge of the Democracy by the federal par- 
t\] The State was disgraced! Its credit 
dislionored in every market. Its bonds de- 
preciated nearly 50 per cent. The whole 
Stale infested with rotten and bankrupt 
banks, converted into politic^il engines as 
well to rule politically as to defraud pecu- 
niarily. Property depreciated and depre- 
ciatiiii^. Trade rotting in our marts. Pro- 
duce lumbering our tlioroughfares without 
a market. Imlustry & honest enterprise pal- 
sied. Dailylabor unrewarded of its toil. The 
currency diseased, depreciated, and bank 
paper become a very nuisance. Taxation 
burdensome, in proportion to the disorders 
of the currency and the depreciation of the 
value of property and labor, with nothing 
prosperous but fraud and peculation, and 
nothing successful but the speculation of 
the designing and crafty few, upon the 
honest and unsuspecting many. Such was 
the pecuniary and business aspect of the 
State when wrested by the people from the 
political control of Federalism and coinnn"t- 
ted to the charge of Democracy. Demo- 
cratic administration has retrieved the 
State. The only remnant of the evils of 
whig domination still sensibly felt among 
us, is one which can only be removed by 
tmie, by the increased production, wealth 
and general prosperity of the citizens of the 
State. And that is Taxation, to meet the 
annual interest and ultimately to liquidate 
the principal of the State debt. This evil 
no legislation can obviate, though by wise 
provision and efficient retrenchment it 
may, in some degree, be alleviated. But 
it is an evil of which every true, honest 
and patriotic! citizen, will cheerfully bear 
his sliare, to sustain the credit, the inte- 
grity and honor of his state. Every con- 
sideration of honor, principle and state 
pride demands that the honor of the State 
should be maintained at any cost untar- 
nished, and its credit unimpaired. This 
debt was chiefly contracted, under federal 
legislation, for wild and speculative schemes 
of internal improvements, ostensibly to 
"develope the resources" of the State, 
though probably more truly for individual 
benclit and' local interests. Eut its pay- 
ment and the taxation necessary therefor, 
was left by them to be provided for and 
imposed by democratic legislation. The 
stock composing this debt, became depre- 
ciated in consequence of whig mismana"'e- 



mcnt to near 50 per cent, below par, but 
two short years of democratic administra 
tion has restored it to its proper standing, 
and appreciated it to morn than its original 
par value. Such is the balance sheet of 
democratic State government, which we 
present to you for your consideration, and 
such is the condition of the State when we 
recommit it to your cliargc and surrender 
to you the trust which you confided to our 
management and execution. 

We have now presented you a brief ab- 
srract of prominent matters of National and 
State concernment. We have developed 
to you, as far as was necessary and possi- 
ble on this occasion, the true nature and 
spirit of our Constitutional National Gov- 
ernment. We have exhibfed to you the 
errors of ancient federal and modern whig 
policy and measures, and shown you that 
they are the same. We have defined the 
position of democracy, as directly opposed 
in spirit and in fact, to the whole design, 
scheme, principles, policy and measures of 
federalism, and have adduced this as the 
creed of the democratic party: — In the 
State, retrenchment and reform in every 
department; no increase of the State debt; 
the credit of the State to be maintained at 
any cost; a sound circulating medium; the 
individual liability of bankers, and a just 
vindication of the constitutional rights of 
the State. In the National Government, a 
strict construction of the Constitution, and 
a rigid restriction of the action of the Fed- 
eral Government to the limits prescribed by 
the Constitution, and a preservation, to the 
States and the people, of their reserved 
rights; no National debt; no assumption of 
the debts of the States by the General Gov- 
ernment; no National Bank or British Ex- 
chequer; complete separation of govern- 
ment from banks; no distribution of the 
proceeds of sales of public lanj; low du- 
ties; a discriminating revenue tariff; a pre- 
servation of the constitutional Veto of the 
President; universal suffrage; an economi- 
cai administration of the General Govern- 
ment; retrenchment in the expenditures, 
and reform in the abuses, in every depart- 
ment; a stern vindication of the Territo- 
rial rights of ihe United States; and in all 
our intercourse with foreign nations, an 
unfaltering adherence to the policy pur- 
sued by Jackson — 'to ask nothing but what 
is right, and submit to nothing that is 
wrong." 

To represent and enforce these princi- 
ples, in the National Administration, we 
present you, in MARTIN VAN BUREN, 
as a candidate before the Democratic Na- 



28 



tional Convention for nomination to the 
highest station in the nation, in every res- 
pect worthy of your support, whetlier regar- 
ded as a man or statesman. In private life 
distinguished by all the virtues that elevate 
the man and dignify humanity. Amidst all 
the storms of ribald party slander liis private 
name and character have been untarnished, 
his worth Asocial virtues, passed unsullied. 
In vain the Parthian arrows of envy and re- 
venge have sped from bows, bent by arms 
that should have sought ra'her to defend 
than to assail him. In vain the open foe 
has viliified and belied liim; their shafts have 
fallen harmless at his feet. His character 
shines brighter for having undergone the 
fiery ordeal. 

In public life, his course has beerrsteady, 
firm and consistent, always open, candid 
and honorable, liis principles are well 
known, clearly defined and openly avowed 
before the world. He has been faithful to 
the democratic party, its principles and its 
men. He has been tested in a fearful hour, 
and not found wanting. His integrity and 
firmness are past doubt or question. TFe 
can trust him. 

With a self-possessed, calm dignity, he 
bowed to the maje;=ty of the erring storm 
of popular will, confidently reposing faith 
n the ultimate justice of Americans and 
freemen. Unmoved by the scoffs and jeers 
of an insulting foe, grown mad in their 
unhallowed triumph over democracy and 
truth, quietly he retired to the unostenta- 
tious seclusion of private life, more eleva- 
ted in true moral greatness and more hon- 
ored in his retirement than in the proudest 
hour of public triumj)h. Will the people 
leave him there — will they willingly dis- 
pense with his stern fidelity, his immove- 
able integrity, his undaunted firmness and 
lofty patriotism, in the administration of 
their (iovernment? We believe not. They 
will do him justice. They will fully justi- 
fy that noble confidence reposed in them, 
by placing him ajjain in that station from 
which he was driven, when the democratic 
party was expelled from the Capital by the 
frauds, corruptions and violence of the 
Goths and Vandals of federalism. With 
him the party fell, with all its tavorite and 
dearly cherished principles and measures, 
and with him, we believe, they must rise 
again and be retrieved. With them are 
associated and entwined his name and 
fame. He is identified with thriu; with 
him they will be reinstated and restored. 
Can they be without himi Innumerable ' 
were the false charges maiie a2;ainst tiie i 
democratic parly and the administration of | 



Mr. Van Buren, false we knew them to be 
false we proved them to have been; but we 
were prostrated, and Mr. Van Buren defeat- 
j ed. They had made their impression; our 
] defeat, to a certain extent, gave them force 
and validity. They degraded us in the 
public opinion of the world. We can 
scarcely satisfy and fully convince the 
I world of their falsity, except by success be- 
fore the people under the same leader. 
And we therefore believe that if we would 
maintain the purity of our principles and 
the integrity of the democratic party; if we 
would restore its cherished measures and 
policy, and wipe cut the stain of defeat; if 
we would fully convince the world of the 
falsity of the charges brought against us, 
and reinstate our party in the public opinion 
and respect of the world and of ourselves, 
we should re-elect Martix Van Burex. 

Yet, while we thus strongly recommend 
Mr. Van Buren as the candidate for nomi- 
nation, by the National Convention, we do 
not design either to disparage the merits, 
the claims, abilities, or patriotism of any 
other individuals spoken of as candidates 
for nomination to the same office, by that 
Convention, or to imply any disposition to 
dictate to the democracy of the United 
Slates. Let the nomination of the Con- 
vention fall upon whomsoever it may, we 
will ingood faith acquiesce in the decision. 
Our great o'.ijoct is, the triumph of democ- 
racy, andthe utter overthrow offederalism. 

These objects we think, can be better, 
and with greater certainty, attained, under 
the standard of Mr. Van Buren, than of 
any other. 

Nevertheless, \vefreehj,/nlli/, and confi- 
detilhj, pledge ouisetncs, and lite democracy 
of Ohio, to the slerii and nn/alterins: support 
of the nominee of the Baltimore Democratic 
A\itional Con vent ion . 

Such is the man we [irescnt to you as 
the candidate of the democracy lor the 
highest office in the country, the most hon- 
orable in the world, the Presidency of the 
United States. On the oilier side, as the 
candidate of federal whiggery, is ofl^ered 
for your suffrages Henry Clay, of Kentucky 
— a man wiiose private life, from early 
youth to decrepit age, has presented a 
striking contrast with that of him whose 
name we place before you. 

In his public course, he h;»s been as in- 
consistent and corrupt, as, in private life, 
he has been immora' — at one lime, an 
avowed anil acknowledged democrat, he 
opposed "blue-light federalism" with a spir- 
it and energy unsurpassed by the sternest 
vindicator of American rights; now, an 



29 



avowed and acknowledged federalist ot" 
the old scl'ool, the iriend, associate, and 
chief of the very men whom he then so 
justly denounced as traitors to their coun- 
try; at one time, the unfalteriiis 0|i[)onont 
of a national hunk, on coiistitutiotial and 
other grounds; hn afterwards, in his con- 
test with General Jackson, accepted the 
aid of the hank, and com[)elIe(1 it into the 
political field earlier than policy would have 
dictated, in his behalf, as a condition, or 
consideratiou for his advocacy of its rechar- 
ter. In 1811, he made, in the Jiouse of 
Representatives of the United States, the 
ablest argument against the constitutionali- 
ty of a bank, tliat he ever made, either before 
or since. He is now the champion of the 
bank parly. During the campaign of 
1840, he repeatedly, and especially in his 
"great Hanover speech," declared that the 
question of a bank was not in issue — tliat 
it was not necessary, &:c. Yet, in 1841, 
he caused to be passed in Congress, two 
bank bills, under his personal direction and 
control, and made speeches of his own in 
their favor. The acknowledged and here- 
tofore avowed and boasted "father of the 
Protective system," he now attempts, in 
some parts of the Union, to deny his here- 
tofore favorite offspring, and claims not to 
be a "Protectionist;" while, in other sec- 
tions, he still pertinaciously insists upon 
the merits of its paternity as all his own. 
But recently ihe stern proscriber of pro- 
scription, he now declares it to be the duty 
of the whig party, if they succeed to pow- 
er, to expel every democrat from office; 
and assures them, that, if they will but 
make him President, as he already is their 
supercilious Dictator, hn will do his duty 
towards them in this particular. 

Elected as a democrat to the United 
States House of Representatives, he turn- 
ed traitor to his constituents and his party 
in 18-24-'25,by casting his vote against the 
Hero of New Orleans, and in favor of John 
Quiiicy Adams, and thereby electing him 
President, contrary to the will of a vast 
majority of the people of the United States, 
as elicited at the polls; and afterwards, giv- 
ing evidence of corruption, by accepting 
the station of Secretary of State under him, 
as a recompense for his treachery, and in 
order to place himself in the "line of safe 
precedents" towards the Presidency. Since 
that time, he has hated democracy and per- 
secuted democrats as vindictively as his 
associate, Adams, has hated the west and 
south, since they both cast every electoral 
vote against him in 1828, and forever crush- 
ed all liis political aspirations for liiinself 



and his blood. With such a character, pri- 
vate and political, tinconscious of lii • mor- 
al control of principle, the uuforgiving, un- 
relenting, and vindictive demagogue, this 
Janus-faced candidate, this traitor to his 
[»arty, and corrupt associate of the iron- 
hearted federalist Adams, and reviier of the 
hero, patriot, and statesman, Andrew Jack- 
son, he is well fitted to be the ieadnr and 
chief of that party, whicli has no common 
principles, and which is Iteld together by 
tio other tie than a "common hatred of ail 
men of better and purer principles than 
themselves." 

Fellow citizens, "look upon that picture 
and upon this," and say, if you will, on 
thnt "mountain leave to feed and batten on 
this moor" — we address you as sober, sen- 
sible and honest men — choose ye between 
the two, which you will have to preside 
over you. 

GUBERNATORIAL. 

In DAVID TOD, of Trumbull county.as 
our candidate for the Chief Magistracy of 
Ohio, we offer you a man in every respect 
deserving of your confidence — a man, in 
private life, amiable, affable, and universal- 
ly esteemed. In public life, a pure, decid- 
ed, and unfaltering democrat, in head and 
heart — upon whom, if the past be a guaran- 
ty of the future, the democracy can im- 
plicitly rely. Residing in a district in 
which, for years past, the democracy have 
been greatly in the minority, he has never 
faltered in a stern adherence to the pure 
principles of democracy, and a bold, open, 
unhesitating avowal of them. He is a man 
who, in his political life, in the cause of de- 
mocracy, has gathered confidence from 
trouble, strength from distress, and courage 
from adversity. His past course is well 
known ;o have been steady, firm and con- 
sistent. 

Such is, in short, the character of the 
man we present for your suffrages, and we 
feel confidence in asserting that, with him 
as our Chief Magistrate, the true policy of 
the State will be fully, fairly, and decisive- 
ly sustained and enforced in his adminis- 
tration. 

Fellow citizens — we have done! and in 
conclusion have only to invoke you to kar- 
mony, union and action — to zeal, fidelity and 
energy. Victory is ours, if we will choose 
to win it. But to succeed we must be 
united. There must be no lurniug back, no 
faltering, no lukewannness on the part of 
any, on account of minor differences of 
opinion or personal feeling. Let all who 
claim lo be democrats, lay their grievances 
upon the altar of country, let them forget 



30 



their personal preferences for men and look 
only 10 the triumph of our common princi- 
ole.*. Let ihem remember tliat iftlip party 
fall, they fall wit!) it, and if it fall through 
their di.-sensions or indifference, Ihey fall 
like Lucifer never to rise again. Let iliein 
bear in mind that the democracy have long; 
memories. Tliey forg;et not, and rarely 
forgive bad faith. They forget not and 
never fail to reward fidelity. Who ever 
knew a personal sacrifice roade by a demo- 
crat for ilie £^ood of his party, to be forgot- 
ten and unrewarded by the denjocra- 
cyl If there is one characteristic of the 
democratic party more striking than any 
other, it is their sleepless love, and ever 
watchful care of their true men. To ALL 
we commend moderation, courtesy, and 
forbearance towards all who honestly differ 
upon inferior questions, or men. Lot ail 
unite with us as democrats who are such 
at heart, — who agree with us upon the great 
cardinal principles of American democra- 
cy, who are willing to conform to the usa- 
ges of the party, abide by its decisions and 
support its nominees. Such men can 
have no real sympathies with federalism, 
their hearts must be with us. Therefore 
let this be our rule of action: "In those 
thing- which are essential, let there be uni- 
ty, in non-essentials, liberty, and in all 
things charity." This course is not only 
just and conformable to the free and liberal 
genius of democracy; but it is necessary. 
We have no puling enemy to contend 
against. Our foes must not be despised, 
and their strenth undervalu'nl. They are 
strong, and ihey are determined. They 
are organized, well drilled and well armed". 
They have the sinews of war — they have 
money, and sustained by the banking and 
other pecuniary interests, and by the hold- 
ers of State Bonds, they can raise whatev- 
er they may need for the conduct of the 
campaign, and for corruption. They will 
again send out their missionaries in all di- 
rections, they will again circulate their lies, 
their slanders, and their false promises. 
They will again abuse the franking privil- 
ege to disseminate their unrighteous pub- 
lications. In fine, they will strive tore-en- 
act the scenes of 1840. To counteract 
them, we too, must be united and organi- 
zed. "When bad men combine, the good 
must a^soct e, else they will fall an unpi- 
tied sacrifice in a contemptible struggle." 
Organize, therefore, throughout the whole 
and in every part. Organize in the State, 
in the counties, in the townships and 
wards, and in neighborhoods. Organize 
everywhere! Let every neighborliood, 



ward, township and county be polled. We 
must know every man in the State who is 
with us. Establish Clubs, for an exchan'.fe 
of courtesies and sentiments among our- 
selves and for the dissemination of infor- 
mation among the people, by means of pa- 
pers, pamphlets, speeches, and by every 
correct means. 

Think of the consequences of defeat. In 
the national affairs, we will have fastened 
upon us, a National Bank, with all its fes- 
tering corruptions, diseasing the whole bo- 
dy politic. A Protective Tariff, more bur- 
densome than the present. The iniqui- 
tous Assumption of State Deb's; and the 
national curse of a National Debt. A Pro- 
scription of every democrat in office, and 
the unhallowed reign of a corrupt Con- 
gressional niajority, subservient to the will 
of theLc dictator, the arch traitor to democ- 
racy of former times — the corrupt associate 
of Adams, the high-priest of modern feder- 
alism, the malignant and vindictive dema- 
gogue, Henry Clay of Ky. Virtue shrinks 
back with disgust, and patriotism with dis- 
may, in contemplation of the consequences 
of such an issue. In our State affairs would 
follow upon defeat, the re-establishment of 
the old, exploded, rotten, irresponsible 
banking system, with all its pestilent Hoods 
of irredeemable paper trash, denominated 
^'currency," the overthrow of all the re- 
forms attained by the democracy after years 
of .unintermitted toil and strife, the launch- 
ing forth of the State again, into schemes 
of wild speculation and internal im- 
provements, and the consequent increasing 
of the State debt, creaiins a necessity for 
additional burdens of taxation, expansions 
of Banks, inflations of the currency, ficti- 
tious values of property, the crisis, the col- 
lapse, the de[)reciation of the currency, 
and Ute value of property and labor, and 
finally the repitition of the scenes and suf- 
ferings of the last five years; the discredit 
of the State, breaking of banks, ruin of bus- 
ine.'^ss, and general distress. 

These are the fruits of the seeds sown 
by Federalism — these are the legitimate off- 
springs of federal domination. With these 
evils to beavoided, and the present heal- 
thy and growing prosperity to be preserv- i 
ed, let the democracy, with the experience 1 
of the past, and the lights of the present, 
so govern their course in prudence, zeal, 
fidelity, and energy, as to escape those 
evils and ensure these blessings in the fu- 
ture. 

Let it not be said by contemporaries or 
by posterity, of the Democratic people of J 
Ohio: "These republicans were unworthy 



31 



of victory, and unworthy of confidence, 
liocaiise by tlieir "^v" ib'Iirp, thoy have 
sacrificed ilu'ir riglus and liberties and the 
inJ^titvuions of iheir country to a MONEY 
KING." 

NOTE. 

For confirmation of llio Coiislllntional principles laid 
down in lliis Addreps, see Mailipon's Reports of Dfliatcs 
ill the Coiivcntinn wliicti framed tlic Conslitiilion; Al- 
exander llaiiiiltoii's Dan of Government, and Speech 
upon It; Madison Tapers, vol. ii, page 878 to 890, and 
pase 890, 91 and 92- 

For mode of Voiinj in Convention, see Rules, vol. 
li, pase 72-4, and Votes and Debates at large. 

For power over Currency, Coin, National Ranic, and 
power of Incorporation, see Madison Tapers, vol. iii, 
page lo7G and 1577, and Federalist, No. 44. 



Upon the Veto Power, see Debates upon Executive 
and Ejcecntive negative; Madison Tapers, vols, ii and ill, 
at large; also Federalist, Nos 73 to 78. 

For Character of Government under the Confedera- 
tion, and ettablishmcnt of more ciricicnt Government, 
see Federalist, Nos. 1 To 26. 

For Conslitnlion of House of Representatives of U. 
S., sec Federalist, from No. 52 to No. 58. 

For Constitution of Senate of U. S., sec Federalist, 
from No. 62 to No 66. 

Of Trcsident, sec Federalist, from No. 67 to No. 72. 

And upon all these several matters, see Madison Pa. 
pers at large; Hamilton's Works; The Federalist; Elli- 
ott's Deliatrs in Convention of the States upon the 
adoption of the Constitution; I.uther Martin's Report to 
the i^cgislature of Maryland; Secret Debates, &.c. by 
Yeates & Lansing, &c. &c 



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